Studia z Polityki Publicznej

Journal Information
ISSN : 2391-6389
Current Publisher: Warsaw School of Economics (10.33119)
Total articles ≅ 48
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Jolanta Szymańska, Patryk Kugiel
Studia z Polityki Publicznej; doi:10.33119/kszpp/2020.4.4

Abstract:
Since the refugee crisis of 2015, European institutions and governments strengthened policies to better manage migration flows and protect EU’s external borders. In the external dimension, the Union implemented a wide variety of economic, political and deterrence measurers to regain control over migratory flows. Though development cooperation was declared one of important tools for addressing root causes of migration, the externalization of migration management to neighboring transit countries became the main pillar of anti-crisis strategy. Although this policy enabled to essentially reduce the number of irregular arrivals to Europe, it cannot be considered as a long-term solution, as recent developments on Greece-Turkey border reminded. To be better prepared for migration challenges of the future the EU should rethink its development cooperation with the origin and transit countries and include both forced and economic migrants in its comprehensive response. Aid can be a useful tool for the EU if it is used to manage rather than to stop migration.
Diego Caballero Vélez, Ekaterina Krapivnitskaya
Studia z Polityki Publicznej; doi:10.33119/kszpp/2020.4.6

Abstract:
This research addresses the foreign policy strategies of the EU after the 2015 refugee crisis. It investigates to what extent the EU migration policy is part of the European foreign policy. The paper outlines that collective action failure is not provided at the domestic dimension of migration policy and, that in order to overcome it, it is transferred to the external dimension of the EU. It argues that migration, previously considered being part of the state’s domestic affairs, transformed from the issue of domestic policy to the foreign one. Thus, the authors study the interconnection between migration and security as a key element for understanding this “foreignization” process. The development of close cooperation with third countries in the field of migration regulation has become one of the priorities of the overall migration policy of the European Union. However, the EU has not gained much success and migration crisis even more clearly indicated the need to develop an external dimension to the management of migration processes, but on a more pragmatic approach that would ensure the EU’s security interests. The basis for the external dimension of EU migration policy is relations with third countries and linking development assistance with security and border protection issues. The paper analyses EU parliamentary debates before and after the 2015 refugee crisis, by doing so, the interconnection between migration and security is assessed leading to a further understanding about the EU migration “foreignization process”.
Iga Kleszczyńska
Studia z Polityki Publicznej; doi:10.33119/kszpp/2020.4.2

Abstract:
The aim is to analyze the dimension of the humanitarian crisis of Venezuela, with particular emphasis on the importance of regional migration problems and the involvement of the international community.. The article consists of an introduction that focuses on the background of the current migration crisis with particular emphasis on substantive and methodological assumptions and the theoretical perspective. Then, the article focuses on analyzing two major research areas: a) the main social, economic and political causes of the Venezuelan migration crisis; the effects and causes of the crisis for both the Venezuelan economy and the security of the Latin American; and b) the involvement of the international environment, with particular emphasis on the activities of the European Union, the United Nations, Latin American governments and the United States. Hence, the hypothesis indicates that the problem concerning the migration crisis of Venezuela is both caused and deepens further socio-economic problems of pointed country causing a feedback effect. The article is prepared based on a institutional and legal method (analysis of selected initiatives and the shape of public policies supporting the problem of the refugee crisis of Venezuela); systemic (analysis of the impact of the migration crisis on regional security in Latin America); content analysis (in particular documents and statuses of international organizations and governments); descriptive statistics method (analysis of statistical data related to the scale of the economic crisis of Venezuela and the population affected by the refugee problem).
Joanna Modrzejewska-Leśniewska
Studia z Polityki Publicznej; doi:10.33119/kszpp/2020.4.1

Abstract:
For many decades Iran was a goal of economic emigration for Afghans. They could earn there a money to provide for their families at home. Since the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979 Iran also became a place of refuge for some 3 million Afghans. Their situation was changing according to the changes in internal and international position of Iran. Sometimes the Iranian authorities were sympathetic, other time were fiercely unsympathetic and keen to remove the Afghan “guests”. So, the Afghans in Iran could not be sure how long they would be allowed to stay there if the Iranians would be willing to support them and if they would have a work to provide for their families. This state of uncertainty of the Afghan community there was worsened by an outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Bothe the Iranian and Afghan health care are unable to effectively deal with the problem. And an economic collapse in Iran affected primarily the foreigners there of whatever stance, in this particular case the Afghans.
Piotr Teodorowski
Studia z Polityki Publicznej; doi:10.33119/kszpp/2020.4.5

Abstract:
Liberal states simultaneously pursue policies of encouraging and controlling (un)desired immigration. Forces of representative democracy, nationhood, constitutionalism, and capitalism - each call for distinct migration strategy. Previous research focusing on attitudes towards migration used quantitative methods examining values and perceptions that influence people’ opinions. Still, it did not explore the diversity and complexity of sentiments. This paper aims to provide a more nuanced perspective based on tweets at and around the last day of the British membership in the European Union (31 January 2020). Data were collected using NCapture- a web-browser extension which downloaded tweets with hashtags #Brexit, #BrexitDay and #BrexitEve, and imported them directly to NVivo. Seven batches of tweets were captured on 30-31 January and 1, 7-10 February; extracting 250,095 published between 23 January and 10 February. All retweets, duplicates, non-English tweets and spam were removed; leaving 888 tweets for the analysis. The dataset was coded twice; assigning sentiments towards Brexit as positive (n=203), negative (n=586) or neutral (n=99), and using inductive thematic analysis.The findings showed the division of discourse on migration were more complicated than merely in favour and against immigration. Interestingly, they also exhibited the shift in the British debate from benefits and drawbacks of immigration to the reciprocity of migration policies in the future relations between the United Kingdom and the European Union.
Salvatore Fp Barillà, Alberto Pellicanò
Studia z Polityki Publicznej; doi:10.33119/kszpp/2020.4.7

Abstract:
In Southern European countries, the regularization of irregular migrants has been largely used in the past as ex post control policy measure, blamed by several scholars as an emergency remedy for the lack of systematic working immigration policies (Baldwin-Edwards, 1999; Finotelli & Sciortino, 2009). Nonetheless, COVID-19 pandemic and its impact on the essential agricultural chains and elderly homecare led countries like Portugal and Italy to adopt an unprecedented comprehensive regularization, in terms of numbers of people involved and modalities. Prima facie similar in the approach, the two legislations may entail not only different bureaucratical implications, but also different rational, as different are the political and the socio-economic environments behind. The aim of the article is to compare the two emergency legislations on a synchronic dimension. Through the analysis of primary and secondary sources, the article will compare the different approaches of Italy and Portugal in addressing the policy problem after the start of COVID-19 pandemic. As two Southern EU Member States with different views on immigration policies, Italy and Portugal represent an interesting case study to investigate. The article will benefit from an interdisciplinary approach, addressing the issue combining both legal and political literatures. Ultimately, the article will try to assess if the current measures are in line with the regularization policies that have been adopted in the past decade.
Maksymilian Kosma Jabłecki
Studia z Polityki Publicznej; doi:10.33119/kszpp/2020.4.3

Abstract:
The aim of the study is to analyze if the subsidiarity principle in the context of the law solutions introduced by the Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council 2018/957 amending Directive 96/71 concerning the posting of employees in the framework of the provision of services should be considered justified and proportionate. The arguments presented will show the opinion that the subsidiarity principle is one of the basic rules for conducting economic policy in the European Union. On this basis it will be investigated whether policy powers should be delegated to the lowest possible level of government, close to the citizens concerned by the policy, unless there are undeniable benefits to running it at a higher level in closer policy coordination. It should be considered if the European Commission proposal pursues a purpose other than the declared one and thus violates the principle of proportionality. It will be proved that smart and clear rules are needed that are adapted to the rapidly growing mobility of EU businesses and citizens, which will prevent the progressive loss of competitiveness of the EU market, while accelerating social convergence and preventing illegal activities affecting intra-EU migrant workers.The issues mentioned above and the conclusions may lead, according to the author, to reflection on the importance of the fact, that the division of competences between Member States and the EU institutions is ultimately a political decision that arises in the context of a conflict of interest and indicate that economic analyzes can only provide arguments for or against policy centralization. Furthermore, it should be noted that the integration is a dynamic process and therefore the results of the analysis regarding the justification for the application of the subsidiarity principle may lead to divergent assessments by the Member States, as the conditions of the functioning of economies are rapidly changing.
Dmytro Osiichuk, Paweł Wnuczak
Studia z Polityki Publicznej pp 99-116; doi:10.33119/kszpp/2020.3.6

Abstract:
W artykule zaprezentowano koncepcję zarządzania wartością VBM dostosowaną do specyfiki publicznych instytucji kultury. Proces dostosowawczy obejmuje przede wszystkim uwzględnienie społecznych korzyści generowanych przez instytucje kultury oraz zastosowanie w kalkulacji społecznej stopy dyskontowej. Prezentowana koncepcja umożliwia ocenę społecznej racjonalności działalności prowadzonej przez niekomercyjne instytucje kultury. W celu lepszego zobrazowania proponowanych rozwiązań przedstawiono przykład liczbowy prezentujący omawianą w artykule metodykę.
Emilia Piotrowska
Studia z Polityki Publicznej pp 47-63; doi:10.33119/kszpp/2020.3.3

Abstract:
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza sektorowej polityki ochrony zdrowia w świetle zabezpieczenia interesu obywateli poprzez przybliżenie perspektywy zorganizowanych interesów organizacji pacjentów. Tekst jest próbą uzupełnienia dyskusji nt. roli tej szczególnej grupy interesariuszy w procesie podejmowania decyzji w sektorze ochrony zdrowia. Odwołując się do przykładów empirycznych, założono, że cały polski system ochrony zdrowia nie służy dobrze interesom pacjentów z powodu niedoborów organizacyjnych, finansowych i personalnych, a konstytucyjna obietnica równego dostępu do świadczeń ochrony zdrowia jest paradoksalnie skuteczną barierą dla wszelkich zmian zmierzających do poprawy sposobu funkcjonowania tego systemu. Pomimo wrażenia "zwrotu pacjento-centrycznego" w ochronie zdrowia w Polsce zorganizowane interesy pacjentów skupione wokół rzeczniczych organizacji pacjentów wciąż mają niewielki udział w procesie formułowania i wdrażania ważnych zmian w tej polityce sektorowej.
Paulina Legutko-Kobus, Maciej J. Nowak
Studia z Polityki Publicznej pp 117-135; doi:10.33119/kszpp/2020.3.7

Abstract:
W artykule zaprezentowano argumenty wskazujące na niesprawność władz publicznych w systemie polityki przestrzennej. Punktem wyjścia jest analiza wykorzystania narzędzi kształtujących tę politykę, wprowadzonych dzięki uchwaleniu w 2015 r. ustawy o rewitalizacji, m.in. narzędzi związanych ze sferą prawno-przestrzenną i partycypacją. Niesprawność przejawia się w braku umiejętności, woli i determinacji do kształtowania i ochrony ładu przestrzennego. W rewitalizacji zaś przejawia się m.in.: niewłaściwym lub niepełnym zdiagnozowaniem problemów stanowiących podstawę dla przeprowadzenia rewitalizacji, brakiem woli władz publicznych w zakresie adekwatnej reakcji na zdiagnozowane problemy, brakiem aktywnej współpracy z interesariuszami (wynikającym zarówno z niskiego poziomu kapitału społecznego, jak i podejścia urzędów). W konsekwencji tylko władze pełnią funkcję podmiotu realizującego gminny program rewitalizacji, a brakuje innych interesariuszy i aktywności publicznej. Uwzględniając powyższe założenia, bezpośrednim celem artykułu jest określenie, czy i w jakim zakresie narzędzia rewitalizacji mogą ograniczać niesprawność władz publicznych w systemie gospodarki przestrzennej (w odniesieniu do obszarów rewitalizacji). Poniższa analiza wskazuje, że w badanych przypadkach narzędzia rewitalizacji nie są więc wykorzystywane w pełnym zakresie (obejmującym wszystkie powiązane z nimi możliwości). Także narzędzia z zakresu partycypacji nie są w pełni wykorzystane (szczególnie te związane z funkcjonowaniem Komitetu Rewitalizacji).
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