Journal Information
ISSN / EISSN : 1392-1681 / 1392-1681
Current Publisher: Vilnius University Press (10.15388)
Total articles ≅ 294
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Latest articles in this journal

Alvydas Jokubaitis, Linas Jokubaitis
Published: 28 December 2020
Politologija, Volume 100, pp 8-33; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.100.1

The philosophy of culture put forward by Šalkauskis is a version of political philosophy. By using a typology of the relationship between philosophy and democracy we attempt to prove that his philosophy of culture encompasses not one but few different understandings of the relationship between democracy and philosophy. By comparing the ideas of Šalkauskis with the issues of contemporary political philosophy we can see that democracy today is developing by distancing itself from the principles that Šalkauskis presented in his philosophy of culture. The philosophy of culture as developed by Šalkauskis has two distinctive features. First of all, Christianity is interpreted through the matrix of culture and this is why it becomes compatible with democracy. Secondly, philosophy of culture is consciously transformed into ideology and this transformation is what allowed it to become an important factor in political discussions.
Ainė Ramonaitė, Adelė Vaiginytė
Published: 28 December 2020
Politologija, Volume 100, pp 34-68; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.100.2

The article presents an exploratory study of regional media content in Lithuania, carried out using computational content analysis methods. The aim of the study is to reveal the effects of media capture on media content. More specifically, it analyses if and how local government’s control over regional mass media leads to media bias. In addition, the research aims to test the methods of automatic content analysis for the texts in Lithuanian language. The article focuses on two local newspapers known for close relationships with local governments – Druskininkai newspaper “Mano Druskininkai” and Širvintos newspaper “Širvintų kraštas”. For comparative purposes, the local newspapers of four additional municipalities (Utena, Šilutė, Birštonas and Biržai) are added to the analysis. The data revealed two different mechanisms for consolidating political power through the politically controlled media: in one newspaper, the dominant technique is the promotion of the mayor as a person, while in the other it is the attack of political opponents.
Povilas Aleksandravičius
Published: 11 December 2020
Politologija, Volume 99, pp 41-63; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.99.2

The paper seeks to reveal the Bergson’s conception of open society. In the first part, three concrete political expressions of the open society are identified that are sprea­ding in international relations and inside the society. The second part is aimed at showing that the open society is not a society without borders or limits and it does not pose any dangers to cherishing of identities: Bergson’s concept of duration, the source of his political philosophy, establishes identities by providing the foundation for the dynamic process of their maturation through openness. The anthropological substantiation of the open society that was begun in this part is continued in the third part of the paper that analyses the factors of closing and opening, their roots in nature, human nature and vital impetus.
Valerij Špak
Published: 11 December 2020
Politologija, Volume 99, pp 8-40; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.99.1

Based on the example of the Turkish military’s involvement in the country’s economy, this article seeks to complement the concept of praetorionism and to highlight the mechanisms of indirect praetorionism. The Turkish army plays an important role in the country’s economy, while the military pension fund OYAK is considered one of the country’s business giants. It provides an opportunity to maintain disproportionate institutional autonomy and weakens civilian control mechanisms. This provides the military with additional instruments of political influence and encourages the emergence of hidden mechanisms of praetorianism. The article seeks to understand new phenomena and trends in the interaction between the society and the military, as the involvement of the Turkish army in the country’s economy changes the concept of praetorianism and provides new, indirect ways of intervening in public policy. Because of how the Turkish military controls business companies using a privileged position in the country’s economy, corruption mechanisms that influence the mechanisms of the redistribution of economic resources and the pursuit of rents have an indirect impact on the political system of the state. In this way, military entrepreneurship has transformed the conceptual structure of praetorians and complemented interventions with indirect forms of influence, such as corruption, economic dominance, and the distortion of economic reforms.
Orestas Strauka
Published: 11 December 2020
Politologija, Volume 99, pp 93-128; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.99.4

The article aims to evaluate whether and how constitutional replacements influence the quality of democracy in Latin American countries. The fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis method is applied while analysing 18 Latin American countries. The objective of the article- nine new constitutions that are assigned to the new constitutionalism period. The results reveal that constitutional replacements are neither sufficient nor necessary condition for quality of democracy. On the contrary, the parsimonious solution shows that quality of democracy can be explained by both high levels of education and inversion of constitutional replacements and inversion of constitutional replacements, institutionalised party system and non-homogeneous society. Inversion of quality of democracy analysis indicated that constitutional replacements, together with other conditions, form sufficient conditions for inversion of quality of democracy.
Published: 11 December 2020
Politologija, Volume 99, pp 64-92; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.99.3

This paper considers the issue of the influence of social media on politics in Russia. Having emerged in the late 1990s as a tool for informal communication, social media became an important part of Russian socio-political life by the end of 2010s. The past two decades is a sufficient period of time to draw some intermediate conclusions of the impact of social media on the political development of the country. To do this is the main goal of the paper. Its main body consists of three parts. The first chapter gives a general characterization of Russian social media, its significance in terms of influencing the formation of public opinion, public debate, and the socio-political agenda in the country. The second chapter examines the use of social media by the Russian opposition and protest movements. The third chapter analyses the use of social media by the Russian authorities.
Dominykas Kaminskas
Published: 11 December 2020
Politologija, Volume 99, pp 129-137; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.99.5

Ewa Stasiak-Jazukiewicz, Marta Jas-Koziarkiewicz, Renata Mienkowska - Norkiene
Published: 28 August 2020
Politologija, Volume 98, pp 107-141; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.98.4

The 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections coincided with the discussions about the need to change the European integration model. These discussions were forced by the refugee crisis and Brexit. In this article, the authors investigate the media representation of programs proposed by Polish political parties in the campaign for EP 2019 elections. The purpose is to determine how the media reported on these programs (media agenda). The research question required the supplementation of the study with an analysis of the political parties’ programs. The research model is based on an agenda-setting theory. The empirical section presents the results of the quantitative and qualitative analysis of both media and political agendas, confirming the discrepancy between them.
Sima Rakutienė, Ingrida Unikaitė-Jakuntavičienė
Published: 24 August 2020
Politologija, Volume 98, pp 69-106; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.98.3

The article analyzes the problem of conflict of European and national interests in the activities of a Member of the European Parliament (MEP). The study seeks answers to the following questions: what factors impact the decision and voting of EP members, elected in Lithuania, in the plenary sessions in the cases of collision of interests, and to what extent the interests of the electorate, national parties, or European political groups are important to MEPs elected in Lithuania. To achieve the goal, first, a review of the scientific literature on the representation of interests in the European Parliament, the issues of conflict of interests is carried out. Next, the theoretical model of the “two-level game,” which is applied in the analysis of an MEP’s activities, is discussed. In the second part of the article, a Lithuanian case study is carried out, analyzing the data of semistructured interviews with MEPs, results of public opinion poll of the Lithuanian population, and other quantitative data. The results show that MEPs elected in Lithuania, like the MEPs elected in other countries, face the problem of a conflict of interests. The inquiry also revealed that an MEP’s decision on how to vote in an EP plenary session depends not only on whether they are a member of the opposition or the ruling party, but also on their personal preferences.
Inga Patkauskaitė-Tiuchtienė
Published: 24 August 2020
Politologija, Volume 98, pp 8-45; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.98.1

This article raises the question of whether the political scandals that take place in Lithuania have an effect on public trust in Lithuania’s state institutions and, if so, what kind of an effect can be perceived. The following institutions of the Republic of Lithuania were selected for analysis: the Government, the Parliament, the Institution of the President, the Special Investigation Service, and the State Security Department. The analysis covers the 2004–2016 years (inclusive) period. The links between political scandals and trust in state institutions are analyzed based on an institutional approach to changes in governmental trust, as well as a non-functional approach to political scandals and the results of empirical studies analyzing political scandals and their relation to governmental trust. In order to determine links between political scandals and trust in state institutions, a dynamic linear regression with time series data was performed. The analysis suggests that political scandals that took place in Lithuania during the period of 2004–2016 had a substantial impact on changes in public trust in state institutions. In the case of all institutions, a negative short-term impact of political scandals on trust in these institutions has been identified. The results of the analysis also reveal that the extent of the negative impact of political scandals may depend on the level of intensity of the escalation of political scandals in the media and the type of political scandal.
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