ISSN / EISSN : 1392-1681 / 1392-1681
Published by: Vilnius University Press (10.15388)
Total articles ≅ 329
Latest articles in this journal
Politologija, Volume 101, pp 107-148; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2021.101.4
The article examines how reconciliation is perceived at the individual level. This particular case study analyses what types of reconciliation practices exist in Musha village and whether or not the inhabitants see it as effective ones. In an attempt to investigate the reconciliation definition from the local people’s perspective and to observe their community-level experiences, ethnographic fieldwork in Rwanda has been conducted. This study reveals that locals understand reconciliation in the same way as the government authorities proclaim. Data gathered during this field trip indicate the significance of reconciliation as controlled by the national government. As a consequence, the people are not able, and at the same time, are not really concerned about rethinking reconciliation in other possible ways. Furthermore, this concludes the fact that the central authorities have become able to peacefully construct the narrative of forced reconciliation, while social exclusion in the country still robustly prevails.
Politologija, Volume 101, pp 78-106; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2021.101.3
How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg’s case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed’s theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper’s theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg’s climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg’s speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.
Politologija, Volume 101, pp 8-51; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2021.101.1
This paper proposes to see Croatia’s becoming a member state of the European Union in 2013 as a particular critical juncture that created uncertainty over the type of decisions the government would take in the field of transitional justice once international pressure had stopped. It compares the period before and after the accession by looking into the three elements of transitional justice policy that were given priority by the EU conditionality framework – fighting impunity for war crimes, fostering reconciliation and respect for and protection of minority rights. It finds that all three have deteriorated in the post-accession period. On the one hand, the findings illustrate the power of international pressure, but on the other hand, they question the overall effectiveness of the conditionality policy, as it seems to not have affected deeper societal issues at stake and has not resulted in true transformation.
Politologija, Volume 101, pp 52-77; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2021.101.2
During the spread of populism in politics, we know little about the prevalence of populism in the discourse of Lithuanian political parties. This article presents a content analysis of Lithuanian political parties’ manifestos for the 2016 and 2020 parliamentary elections. The results show that references to the people as a homogeneous unit are relatively widespread, but the number of anti-elitist paragraphs in party programmes is lower. We can divide the parties into three groups according to the level of populism. The most populist parties, located at the fringes of the party system, received little support from the voters in the Seimas elections. Parties that presented relatively high numbers of people-centrist paragraphs and a relatively moderate criticism of the elite proved to be much more successful in the election.
Politologija, Volume 100, pp 69-105; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2020.100.3
This article aims to understand how national unity is being constructed in the context of the protest movement, started on October 17th, 2019 in Lebanon, what it is grounded on and what is the role of the elite in the process. The study is based on an ethnographic research conducted in Beirut between October 17th and December 19th, 2019, and analyzes the movement of October 17th as an instance of nation-building from below. It became clear that a unity across different communities has emerged from below and reached “tipping point” coinciding with the movement of October 17th, which provided new spaces for people to engage in “viral peer-to-peer networking” creating a “feedback loop” reinforcing the unity based on shared grievances and idea of a civil state. It is argued that elite is not necessary for a national sentiment to emerge. Its durability is though assumed to be related to efficacy and thus possibly impacted by leadership.
Politologija, Volume 100, pp 34-68; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2020.100.2
The article presents an exploratory study of regional media content in Lithuania, carried out using computational content analysis methods. The aim of the study is to reveal the effects of media capture on media content. More specifically, it analyses if and how local government’s control over regional mass media leads to media bias. In addition, the research aims to test the methods of automatic content analysis for the texts in Lithuanian language. The article focuses on two local newspapers known for close relationships with local governments – Druskininkai newspaper “Mano Druskininkai” and Širvintos newspaper “Širvintų kraštas”. For comparative purposes, the local newspapers of four additional municipalities (Utena, Šilutė, Birštonas and Biržai) are added to the analysis. The data revealed two different mechanisms for consolidating political power through the politically controlled media: in one newspaper, the dominant technique is the promotion of the mayor as a person, while in the other it is the attack of political opponents.
Politologija, Volume 100, pp 106-152; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2020.100.4
Lithuanian foreign policy perceives International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as an organization with the most significant authority in nuclear safety, capable of assessing Ostrovets NPP's compliance with international nuclear safety standards objectively. Simultaneously, the IAEA is one of the most important international institutions through which Lithuania sought to reveal the shortcomings of the Ostrovets NPP while attempting to legitimize its critical position towards the power plant. Given the relevance of IAEA in Lithuanian foreign policy, the article examines IAEA's public discourse on nuclear energy in Belarus. It aims to assess its role in the process of legitimizing Lithuania's opposition to Ostrovets NPP. After analyzing the IAEA’s leadership statements, the official press releases and the reports published by the peer-review missions during 2007 – 2020, the paper concludes that the IAEA formed a public discourse that exclusively favoured Belarus and significantly contradicted to Lithuania's official position. In this way, the IAEA did not legitimize Lithuania's foreign policy towards Ostrovets NPP. On the contrary, the organization supported nuclear energy development in Belarus. In relation with the findings, the paper provides three suggestions for reshaping the role of IAEA in Lithuanian foreign policy.
Politologija, Volume 100, pp 153-167; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2020.100.5
Politologija, Volume 100, pp 8-33; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2020.100.1
The philosophy of culture put forward by Šalkauskis is a version of political philosophy. By using a typology of the relationship between philosophy and democracy we attempt to prove that his philosophy of culture encompasses not one but few different understandings of the relationship between democracy and philosophy. By comparing the ideas of Šalkauskis with the issues of contemporary political philosophy we can see that democracy today is developing by distancing itself from the principles that Šalkauskis presented in his philosophy of culture. The philosophy of culture as developed by Šalkauskis has two distinctive features. First of all, Christianity is interpreted through the matrix of culture and this is why it becomes compatible with democracy. Secondly, philosophy of culture is consciously transformed into ideology and this transformation is what allowed it to become an important factor in political discussions.
Politologija, Volume 100, pp 168-171; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2020.100.6
This book review critiques Conceptual History in the European Space by Willibald Steinmetz, Michael Freeden, and Javier Fernández-Sebastián. The publication offers the reader a unique perspective on conceptual history by providing innovative and unique approaches that demonstrate the development of the practice in a post-Koselleckian era. The review will evaluate and dissect the collective essays, as well as the effectiveness of the new dimensions of conceptual history added by the different authors that produced this volume.