ISSN / EISSN : 1392-1681 / 1392-1681
Published by: Vilnius University Press (10.15388)
Total articles ≅ 354
Latest articles in this journal
Politologija, Volume 107, pp 51-89; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.107.2
Concerming the success of new/renewed political parties in Lithuania, quite often they are labelled as populist ones .This article seeks to answer the question – do populist attitudes of individuals could be variables that explains voting for new political parties? Firstly, we analyze the structure of populist attitudes in Lithunia. The analysis using attitudes measures suggested by CSES revealed that these attitudes fits theorectical expectations quite well. Two dimensions of populist attitudes can be distinguished – anti-elitism and the one concerning peoples role in politics. Futher analysis of electoral behavior, that populist attitudes does not explain voting for the new political party, other variables such as political support/trust does explain it better. However the analysis is limited to one elections and one political party, so the conclusions should be considered with caution and further analysis is needed.
Politologija, Volume 107, pp 8-50; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.107.1
Difficult state-level questions of how to remember previous regimes are particularly linked with the „consumer“ side – specific areas of mnemonic socialization, such as families. A new generation raised during post-soviet transformations makes meaning of the recent past they have no direct or very limited experience of. This once again actualizes the questions of memory transmission within specific groups such as families initially analyzed in the case of memory of the crimes against humanity, mainly Holocaust. This article presents a theoretical overview of the factors to be kept mind in order to understand the remembering process within families: identification with the family memories, mnemonic socialization, loyalty relations, memory media and relation with the collective memory. Theoretical insights are supplemented by the empirical date of Lithuanian case (16 family conversations conducted in 2018–2020). Oldest members of the family still recall the begining of the previous regime, parents were raised in it whereas the third family generation was educated with a strong state emphasis on the previous regime as occupation and repressions-based period of the past. Those family experiences failing to fall into the category of a victim become uncomfortable. A shadow of collaboration imposed by the collective memory level leads to silencing or justification of those family memories.
Politologija, Volume 106, pp 53-88; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.106.2
Efforts to build a memorial to Lithuanian freedom fighters in Lukiškės Square in Vilnius have been fruitless for the third decade. During this period, as many as four competitions for artistic ideas were organized, but due to the dissatisfaction of various groups in society, no project was implemented in the square. The article analyzes the 2012-2020 period, which is framed by two state-organized competitions. Applying Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s discourse theory, it is aimed to open the very core of the conflict and to explain how and what historical memories of the Lithuanian freedom fighters are articulated by competing discourses consisting of linguistic and non-linguistic practices. Statements of politicians, cultural professionals, and the public in the national media and their modus operandi allow to identify opposite concepts of freedom, state, freedom fighters, monument, and its functions, and to single out the essential trophy of the competing discourses, an idea on which the public sharply disagrees.
Politologija, Volume 106, pp 11-52; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.106.1
In 2008 and 2014 the Russian-Georgian war, the military conflict in Ukraine, and the annexation of Crimea have had an impact on Lithuanian foreign and security policy. In the context of these events, Lithuania was concerned about the mobilization of conventional security measures, i.e., strengthening its national defense sector. However, the role as well as the impact of “soft” (unconventional) response devices and strategies in the Lithuanian case has still received little academic interest. This paper, using the analysis of visual collective memory practices (monuments), aims to show the links between collective memory as well as its visually tangible forms and the formation of foreign and security policy in Lithuania. By examining the visual practices reminiscent of guerrilla warfare built in Lithuanian public spaces after 2014, it is revealed how the use of collective memory contributed to the perceived threat from Russia, which had a significant impact on the formation and implementation of foreign and security policy.
Politologija, Volume 106, pp 131-164; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.106.4
By using a theoretical approach to the critique of surveillance capitalism, and by drawing on public discourse sources on facial recognition (FR) technology, this paper analyzes visual surveillance in contemporary societies. Currently, there are both numerous instances of a sudden development of FR capabilities on a global scale as well as efforts to prevent the development of what is called the “most dangerous technology.” This paper also questions the techno-solutionism that enables “perfect” mathematical human cognition. Overall, the paper sheds light on the global disagreement on the regulatory environment for FR technology, with different countries, states, or big cities treating biometric data protection differently. There is also a confluence of predicaments and legal concerns in the public sphere regarding FR. Nevertheless, it is possible to outline the typical narratives that emerge in media discourses, highlighted in this paper using three different examples. These are (1) concerns about human rights and privacy (the US case), (2) a “soft” indecisiveness about promoting unfettered innovation on the one hand, and preventing human rights abuses on the other (the EU case), and (3) the fear of digital data being collected by a hostile authoritarian state, namely China (the Lithuanian case).
Politologija, Volume 106, pp 165-173; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.106.5
Politologija, Volume 106, pp 89-130; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.106.3
The Vytis (Coat of Arms of Lithuania) is a national symbol of Lithuania that typically functions within an official state frame. This paper examines how the use and functions of the Vytis had changed from the year 2013 to 2019. While presenting an analysis of the new forms of Vytis expression, a question arises: how does the intensified and atypical use of the symbol correlate with the temperature of nationalism in our society? The research, which is based on discourse theory and includes visual and textual information found in media, social media, and other non-academic platforms, allows distinguishing four new directions of the symbol’s expression: (1) commercialization, (2) transformation into a political tool, (3) transfer to everyday culture, and (4) individual practices as well as creative practices. This paper concludes that the changing use of Vytis shows elements of both cooling and heating nationalisms. We face a cooling nationalism when the symbol becomes a part of a routine that we no longer reflect. We can also detect attributes of heating nationalism in our society. They are triggered by a sense of internal or external threats and are inseparable from the temperature of our public space.
Politologija, Volume 105, pp 8-52; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.105.1
Data shows that significant events such natural disasters, anthropogenic disasters and malign activities by hostile actors, often having cross-border effects, have been on the rise. However, the studies of the effects of those events on public policies, governance and institutions remain inconclusive. In this article we present a research agenda which proposes the classification of the significant events on the basis of their characteristics backing it with a newly compiled data set on significant events which took place in Lithuania in 2004-2020 and outline the directions for an in-depth analysis of the causal mechanisms of how those events affect policy and institutional change. We conclude with concrete proposals for further research which could provide theoretically innovative and policy relevant insights into the political processes which translate responses to significant events into policy and institutional changes affecting welfare institutions and resilience of society.
Politologija, Volume 105, pp 53-92; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.105.2
The literature indicates an ever-growing involvement of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in foreign policy and hence an increasing potential for them to exert influence over it. Approaching foreign aid policy as a suitable empirical indicator of a country’s foreign policy, this paper examines the case of Lithuanian development NGOs’ (NGDOs’) influence over bilateral foreign aid policy. Based on the mechanistic approach to social science, this paper demonstrates that NGDO influence is observed when an NGDO has resources to assist decision-makers in policy implementation; when it behaves strategically; and when decision-makers’ access to these resources is threatened. Although other NGDO’s resources are insufficient to result in the NGDO being able to exercise influence, they help to strengthen the long-term collaborative relationship with decision-makers, which is necessary for the micro-phenomenon of NGDO influence to occur. The paper concludes that the potential influence of Lithuanian NGDOs is limited, constrained by the scant demand for NGDOs’ resources and the unconducive institutional setting. But the paper identifies low issue salience and a focused concentration of valuable resources within Lithuanian NGDOs as factors which increase the likelihood of NGDO influence.
Politologija, Volume 105, pp 133-166; https://doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.105.4
The collective political imagination establishes world orders that define how political communities interact. The relative power of the West allowed the introduction of the first global world order, known as the Westphalian. However, the increasing relative power of the People’s Republic of China allows it to promote an alternative world order vision, which is the result of its political imagination. Zhao Tingyang’s re-imagined hierarchic Tianxia order is seen as a challenger to the Westphalian order. This paper analyzes whether the Tianxia order can replace the Westphalian, considering the contemporary global political environment. The discussion is based on Jeffrey Legro’s theory of collective ideas and foreign policy change, applying it to world order replacement analysis. The findings suggest that the Tianxia has significant limitations in replacing the Westphalian world order. The Westphalian order orthodoxy remains strong. The order is also adaptable, capable of including hierarchical elements. Despite the increase of the PRC’s relative power and its greater capabilities to shape norms with domestic support, continuity usually prevails, so the habit of sovereignty prevails over hierarchical order. Finally, the article argues that the Tianxia order is not resilient to the anarchic-competitive element of human nature.