Journal Information
ISSN / EISSN : 1392-1681 / 1392-1681
Current Publisher: Vilnius University Press (10.15388)
Total articles ≅ 287
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Latest articles in this journal

Published: 28 August 2020
Politologija; doi:10.15388/polit

Founded in 1989. Publishes articles on political science and international relations. Indexed in the Scopus database since 2012. Publishes articles on political science and international relations. Indexed in the Scopus database since 2012.
Ewa Stasiak-Jazukiewicz, Marta Jas-Koziarkiewicz, Renata Mienkowska - Norkiene
Published: 28 August 2020
Politologija, Volume 98, pp 107-141; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.98.4

The 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections coincided with the discussions about the need to change the European integration model. These discussions were forced by the refugee crisis and Brexit. In this article, the authors investigate the media representation of programs proposed by Polish political parties in the campaign for EP 2019 elections. The purpose is to determine how the media reported on these programs (media agenda). The research question required the supplementation of the study with an analysis of the political parties’ programs. The research model is based on an agenda-setting theory. The empirical section presents the results of the quantitative and qualitative analysis of both media and political agendas, confirming the discrepancy between them.
Sima Rakutienė, Ingrida Unikaitė-Jakuntavičienė
Published: 27 August 2020
Politologija, Volume 98, pp 69-106; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.98.3

The article analyzes the problem of conflict of European and national interests in the activities of a Member of the European Parliament (MEP). The study seeks answers to the following questions: what factors impact the decision and voting of EP members, elected in Lithuania, in the plenary sessions in the cases of collision of interests, and to what extent the interests of the electorate, national parties, or European political groups are important to MEPs elected in Lithuania. To achieve the goal, first, a review of the scientific literature on the representation of interests in the European Parliament, the issues of conflict of interests is carried out. Next, the theoretical model of the “two-level game,” which is applied in the analysis of an MEP’s activities, is discussed. In the second part of the article, a Lithuanian case study is carried out, analyzing the data of semistructured interviews with MEPs, results of public opinion poll of the Lithuanian population, and other quantitative data. The results show that MEPs elected in Lithuania, like the MEPs elected in other countries, face the problem of a conflict of interests. The inquiry also revealed that an MEP’s decision on how to vote in an EP plenary session depends not only on whether they are a member of the opposition or the ruling party, but also on their personal preferences.
Natalja Gončiarova, Saulius Pivoras
Published: 26 August 2020
Politologija, Volume 98, pp 46-68; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.98.2

The article aims to identify the dimensions and factors of policy alienation that have a significant impact on the practice of civil servants when implementing employment policy. The data of the empirical research revealed that civil servants experience powerlessness due to the following factors: insufficient coherence of employment policy objectives with objectives of other social and welfare policies, lack of interinstitutional cooperation, and autonomy in implementing internal institutional requirements. Meanwhile, the factors of meaninglessness are related to red tape and categories, as distinguished by informants, of unemployed clients, whose expectations are incommensurable with the aims and means of implemented employment policy.
Inga Patkauskaitė-Tiuchtienė
Published: 24 August 2020
Politologija, Volume 98, pp 8-45; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.98.1

This article raises the question of whether the political scandals that take place in Lithuania have an effect on public trust in Lithuania’s state institutions and, if so, what kind of an effect can be perceived. The following institutions of the Republic of Lithuania were selected for analysis: the Government, the Parliament, the Institution of the President, the Special Investigation Service, and the State Security Department. The analysis covers the 2004–2016 years (inclusive) period. The links between political scandals and trust in state institutions are analyzed based on an institutional approach to changes in governmental trust, as well as a non-functional approach to political scandals and the results of empirical studies analyzing political scandals and their relation to governmental trust. In order to determine links between political scandals and trust in state institutions, a dynamic linear regression with time series data was performed. The analysis suggests that political scandals that took place in Lithuania during the period of 2004–2016 had a substantial impact on changes in public trust in state institutions. In the case of all institutions, a negative short-term impact of political scandals on trust in these institutions has been identified. The results of the analysis also reveal that the extent of the negative impact of political scandals may depend on the level of intensity of the escalation of political scandals in the media and the type of political scandal.
Ieva Skurdauskaitė
Published: 29 May 2020
Politologija, Volume 97, pp 123-129; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.97.5

Recenzijoje aptariamos dvi knygos: Martino Fordo „Architects of Intelligence: The Truth about AI from the People Building it“ ir Johno Brockmano „Possible Minds: Twenty-Five Ways of Looking at AI“. Analizuojami pateikti požiūriai: dirbtinio intelekto grėsmės, galimybės ir tyrinėjamos temos.
Liutauras Gudžinskas
Published: 29 May 2020
Politologija, Volume 97, pp 95-122; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.97.4

The article analyzes the reasons of the long-term decay of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) since 2010. The party ruled the country between 1994–1998 and 2002–2010 and was one of the strongest and most institutionalized political forces not only in Hungary but in the whole East-Central Europe. However, during the parliamentary elections in 2010, it suffered a crushing defeat by their main political opponents – “Fidesz,” led by V. Orbán. The organizational development of these two parties is compared. Collected evidence reveal the significance of centralized party rule and efforts to organize civil society in shaping the intra-competition of the main Hungarian political parties.
Aistė Noreikaitė
Published: 19 May 2020
Politologija pp 73-94; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.97.3

Although it is common to associate the thought of A. Jokubaitis with political philosophy, this article argues that his texts also allow us to talk about a specific moral philosophy of A. Jokubaitis. At the center of it we find an attempt to articulate and discuss the grounding ideas of morality. The article argues that the first two ideas – an idea of unconditional character of morality and an idea of ontological grounding – are related to Kant’s influence on A. Jokubaitis philosophy. These two ideas allow us to explain morality as an autonomous part of reality, which is different from the empirical one but nonetheless real. This part of reality is grounded in the first-person perspective of a moral subject and can be characterized by implicit normativity and unconditionality. The first-person perspective structures a radically different relation to our reality, which allows us to be agents, not simply spectators. Such an interpretation of Kant allows to associate A. Jokubaitis with his contemporary Kantians, such as Ch. Korsgaard, B. Herman, O. O’Neill, and A. Reath. However, the third idea, the one of a person, which becomes more visible in his book Politinis idiotas, transcends the Kantian conception of practical reason and encourages to perceive morality and its grounding in a much wider context. The concept of a person allows A. Jokubaitis to distance himself from Kantian rationalism and integrate social and mystical aspects of morality, which he has always found important.
Justina Vaičiukynaitė
Published: 19 May 2020
Politologija pp 42-72; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.97.2

The article aims to reconstruct the concept of the Lithuanian political elite from the citizens’ perspective, focusing on how the concept is perceived, how the political elite is recognized in social life, and what attributes are associated with this particular concept. Applied qualitative in-depth interview data gathering and inductive data analysis approaches demonstrate that the Lithuanian political elite concept consists of two images: legalistic and charismatic. Although these two images are completely divergent, they are intertwined and successfully coexistent in the minds of citizens. The citizens are tending to apply either a legalistic or charismatic image depending on the circumstances: the legalistic image is applied in recognizing and describing the political elite as an externally existing referent; meanwhile, the charismatic image is applied in building up the normative political elite portrait.
Mažvydas Jastramskis
Published: 5 May 2020
Politologija pp 8-41; doi:10.15388/polit.2020.97.1

This article investigates voter behavior in the 2019 Lithuanian presidential elections. Even though they appear as first-order (citizens elect an executive that enjoys considerable powers), Lithuanian academic literature has rather neglected this topic in the recent decades. In this article, I employ data from a post-electoral survey conducted after the most recent presidential elections and investigate what kinds of voters and motives were hiding beneath the results of the first and second round in the 2019 presidential elections. Results show that the cleavages that are relevant in the Seimas elections (ethnic and evaluations of Soviet times) also influence the vote choice in the presidential elections. Analysis shows that a ideological cleavage related to social liberalism may becoming important in Lithuania. Lastly, there are signs of retrospective voting, as the voters that evaluate the economy better were more inclined to vote for the presidential candidate of the governing coalition. However, the overall effect is not strong.
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