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Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 303-317; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00022

Abstract:
In the glyptic repertoire of roman-republican age, numerous subjects that must be recognized as amulets with probaskanica function. These objects are designed to protect the owner from the negative effects of the evil eye. The ridiculous and caricatural aspect often seen in these engraved gems characterized the grotesque and/or deformed beings such as hunchbacks, bald, dwarfs, pygmies. A further common typical element is the sexual hypertrophy, another characteristic that, in literature, has always been associated with a clear apotropaic function. From a functional perspective, all these features would contribute to identify these characters as useful expedients to ward off the charm. Instead, from a perspective of antithetical analogy, they communicate positive symbolic concepts, such as the fullness of life, fertility, rebirth and victory over death. Thanks to the analytical study of some pictures engraved in gems conducted by the authors, it has been possible to define a singular set similar for style, subject and type of material, produced between the second and first century BC in the Italian peninsula. The paper intends to explain the figurative and material elements, both constant or variable, that contribute to reinforce the symbolic and amuletic meaning of these gems.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 209-218; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00013

Abstract:
A careful methodology can enable us to be confident in the idea, largely neglected by historiography, that Socrates understood the relationships between men, the gods and wealth, in a very different manner to that of the large majority of his contemporaries. While the latter thought that the rites could lead the gods to bring them prosperity, that wealth was a blessing, Socrates was convinced of the opposite: wealth was not, in his view, a blessing, and had nothing to do with the gods. This was able to draw a few Athenians to think that philosophy could threaten the practice of religious rituals.
Michaela Kellová
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 353-362; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00026

Abstract:
Curse tablets are artefacts of a very specific nature. They are generally interpreted as material expression of a particular magic action, usually performed by an individual. Such finds are especially interesting for the study because they represent an epigraphic monument, on the one hand, as well as a standard archaeological find with its specific context on the other hand. A particularly interesting phenomenon is visible on curse tablets throughout the Mediterranean – the presence of mother's name to identify the victim of the curse. The “boom” of this phenomenon occurs in the 2nd century AD, but there also are much older examples, particularly from the 4th and 3rd century BC. In the 2nd century AD, the identification of the mother spread to Italy and the African provinces, where this kind of targeting became dominant. In my paper, I will focus on the later, Latin and Greek curse tablets in the Roman Empire. Mothers' names were assigned to identify a particular person: This is interesting because patronyms were usually used in the Greco-Roman world as the identifier. The purposes of the curse tablets bearing the mother's name were thus different: the tablets were used in cases of private action in competition, love or trials linked to family affairs – all within a ritual framework. For this reason, this paper aims to observe the curse tablets as an important medium of the ritual practice which should enable us to answer the questions: Why should the name of the father, which is usually used, be replaced by the name of the mother? Could the reason for such replacement be the recognition of the mother as a mediator for targeting her child? Is this the most precise identification, as the mother is more accurately identifiable than the father? What does it tell us about the care-giving function of the mother within the family and about the authors of the curse tablets?
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 293-302; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00021

Abstract:
This paper will focus on magic rituals aimed at causing maleficia in a specific area: Sardinia. Although difficult to retrace, there is some evidence, on the island, of the existence of forms of both necromancy and oracular divination that refer, with their own forms, to the culture spread in the Roman empire. Among the most significant documents, there are the tabellae defixionum, some epigraphic texts widely documented in the Roman world, and even earlier in the Punic world. The evidence, in this case, is quite interesting, also, because it reflects the combination of different cultures in Sardinia, whose results are “original”, also in the world of magic.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 417-427; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00029

Abstract:
This discussion examines the religious conflict between the cult and oracle of Glykon and its Epicurean opponents recorded in the second century CE satire, Alexander the False Prophet, by Lucian of Samosata. Following the market theory of religion approach, these groups can be understood to have been engaged in an intense and escalating struggle over followers, financial support, status, and, ultimately, for survival. For the oracle and Glykon's prophet, Alexander of Abonouteichos, this effort included the use of magical curses, which were deployed against their adversaries. As such, these circumstances represent an as-yet unrecognized agonistic context for cursing to take place in the Graeco-Roman world. Alexander's use of cursing also highlights previously overlooked aspects of his own connections to the practice of magic in Graeco-Roman antiquity.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 241-247; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00016

Abstract:
Some Roman rituals with political value ware provided with the power of a curse whose mechanics was similar to that of Greek defixiones. Those who injured a plebeian tribune were consecrated to the gods or to the gods of the dead. The consecratio of a man was sometimes enacted when the blood of a citizen or the tears of a parent were poured. Blood was particularly efficacious in unleashing a curse on the person responsible for something wrong and offensive to the gods and the Roman people.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 219-228; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00014

Abstract:
According to Durkheim, the notion of ‘sacred’ is per se ambivalent, because it includes antinomic notions such as the pure and the impure. This theory would be justified by the original ambiguity of the Latin sacer. Only one case is always quoted: the peculiar condition of the homo sacer, a criminal consecrated to the gods. But the ambiguity of the sacer is not a problem for the Romans. The uncertainties of modern interpretation stem from the fact that this consecratio of a criminal is often explained as a sacrifice, but the destiny of the homo sacer is more analogous to the fate reserved for the violators of international treaties: on the profane side, the culprit is deprived of his citizenship and becomes a foreigner. Nor, however, is he accepted by enemies. In the same way, from an anthropological point of view, the consecrated person stays on a liminal stage: he remains forever in an uncertain gap between the sphere of men and the world of the gods. There is no ambiguity of the sacred because the homo sacer could not really reach the gods or pollute them.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 429-443; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00030

Abstract:
The paper focuses on the occurrence of Castelluccian (Early Bronze Age) pebble pendants in sub-adult tombs found in Greek, but also indigenous sites in Sicily from 8th century BC onwards. These pebble-shaped pendants are made of various materials, especially alabaster and translucent stones. They are usually unearthed with shells, perhaps to form a single ornament, in close bond with selected people. The occurrence in archaic infant burials, both in Greek and indigenous contexts, without being documented meanwhile, brings up a challenging issue: we can argue that these items, discovered accidentally in very ancient tombs, were considered to be old and therefore deemed particularly valuable also due to the intrinsic properties of the stones, being shiny and translucent. As a consequence (by drawing inspiration from native women's ancient knowledge?) they were probably conveyed a new meaning and turned into apotropaic amulets in order to protect children from diseases during life, and from perils in afterlife.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 229-240; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00015

Abstract:
This work focuses on the analysis of a series of famous episodes that underline the prodigious birth and the exceptional destiny of Alexander the Great. First, the article examines the accounts of the Macedonian king's conception, due to the union of his mother Olympias with the king/magician Nectanebo, or with a snake, or with the god Ammon – depending on the different versions. Subsequently, the stories of the oracles foretelling Alexander's domination over the world and the premonitions that mark his rise to power are analyzed. Finally, the death omens are also taken into account. Summing up, this study deals with the elements related to Alexander's mythology and the reasons why the literary sources of the classical world present him as a being halfway between human and divine.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 469-479; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00033

Abstract:
The aim of this paper is to underline some cultic features of the cult of the Great Gods of Samothrace, in its development between Hellenistic and Roman Age. In this regard, we analyze the mythological background of this cult, with particular reference to Trojan war and Aeneas saga and the influences on the cultic performances and ideology in Roman age. Our main goal is to show, through an analysis of the different syncretic cults (Dioskuroi, Penates, Lares) and the archaeological data, how the metaphors of sea and sailing influenced the transmission of this soteriological cult in Rome and how these cultural changes represent a weighty argument to demonstrate the very important revolution introduced by the Samothracian cult in the religious thought of classical world.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 285-291; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00020

Abstract:
The discovery of the fountain of Anna Perenna in Rome in 1999, and especially the presence there of curse tablets, establishes that she was known as a religious presence in the time of Ovid and, presumably, of Vergil. This paper seeks to examine the depictions we find of her in the works of Ovid, Vergil, and in Statius’ Punica 8.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 399-416; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00028

Abstract:
This paper, which is a work in progress and a continuation of previous articles that were published on the Roman concepts of evocatio and devotio, will explore a new approach: the juridical context and implications of these religious and magical rituals. After reminding briefly the traditional interpretation (religious prayers pronounced only in a context of war) and the results of our previous articles 1 (evocatio was not limited to military context, and evocatio and devotio included magical elements very similar to formulas of execration (defixiones), we will ask questions that seem to be innovative: on the one hand, “can we compare these prayers with juridical contracts?”, and on the other hand, “had these rituals juridical and political consequences?”, such as the loss of status of a person (in this case, the devotio of enemies) and the loss of status of a place/city (in the case of evocatio). Were these religious rituals a way of making possible the symbolical destruction of a territory and the transfer of a divinity's statue to Rome, and consequently a way of making possible the real destruction of this territory and justifying its conquest? To carry out this study, we will analyze different texts that mention evocatio and devotio, and we will contrast them with texts that refer to juridical concepts (such as consecratio capitis et bonorum, exsecratio, bellum iustum, and damnatio memoriae). We will also analyze the case of cities (Veii, Praeneste, Falerii Veteres, and Carthago) that probably lost their juridical and political status after a war and after religious rituals such as evocatio and devotio. It would not be the first time that religion was used for political reasons, to justify Roman imperialism.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 363-398; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00027

Abstract:
The Roman father and son of the same name, P. Decius Mus, became paragon heroes by deliberately giving their lives in battle that Rome might win over a fierce enemy. Both engaged in a special ritual called devotio (from which our word “devotion” derives) to offer themselves to the gods of the Underworld, with whom regular people have very little interaction and to whom they rarely sacrifice. While the Mus family is the most famous for this act, it turns out the willingness to sacrifice oneself for Rome frequently occurs within stories of great patriots, including the story of Horatius Cocles, Mettius Curtius, Atilius Regulus, and even the traitors Coriolanus and Tarpeia. Romans regarded self-sacrifice as a very high, noble endeavor, whereas they loathed and persecuted practitioners of human sacrifice. It is therefore quite amazing to read that the Romans thrice engaged in state-sponsored human sacrifice, a fact they rarely mention and generally forget. The most famous enemy practitioners of human sacrifice were the Druids, whom the Romans massacred on Mona Island on Midsummer Night's Eve, but the Carthaginians, the Germans, the Celts, and the Thracians all infamously practiced human sacrifice. To Romans, the act of human sacrifice falls just short of cannibalism in the spectrum of forbidden practices, and was an accusation occasionally thrown against an enemy to claim they are totally barbaric. On the other hand, Romans recognized their own who committed acts of self-sacrifice for the good of the society, as heroes. There can be no better patriot than he who gives his life to save his country. Often the stories of their heroism have been exaggerated or sanitized. These acts of heroism often turn out to be acts of human sacrifice, supposedly a crime. It turns out that Romans have a strong legacy of practicing human sacrifice that lasts into the historic era, despite their alleged opposition to it. Numerous sources relate one story each. Collecting them all makes it impossible to deny the longevity of human sacrifice in Rome, although most Romans under the emperors were probably unaware of it. The paradox of condemning but still practicing human sacrifice demonstrates the nature of Roman religion, where do ut des plays a crucial role in standard sacrifice as well as in unpleasant acts like human sacrifice. Devotio was an inverted form of sacrifice, precisely because it was an offering to the gods of the Underworld, rather than to Jupiter or the Parcae. Romans may have forsaken devotio, but they continued to practice human sacrifice far longer than most of us have suspected, if one widens the current narrow definition of human sacrifice to include events where a life is taken in order to bring about a better future for the commonwealth, appease the gods, or ensure a Roman victory in battle.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 249-256; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00017

Abstract:
I would like to focus my paper on several words belonging to the sphere of the “Sacred” as translated from Latin into Greek by Cassius Dio. Actually, the Severian historian has to translate, that is, to explain to Greek-speaking or -thinking readers terms like sacer, sacrosanctus (especially for the tribunician power), and augustus (particularly in connection with the name of the first emperor). We shall see that Cassius Dio knows very well the exact meaning of each and every one of these Latin words, but often distances himself from traditional Roman beliefs.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 335-352; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00025

Abstract:
If we think of child protection in the Roman religion, the first goddess that comes to mind is Mater Matuta. This paper, however, does not focus directly on Mater Matuta, but on other divine figures to some extent related to her: Carna, Ino, and Thesan. Carna-Cranaë-Cardea, the nymph of the thresholds was celebrated on the calends of June, just ten days after the ceremony in the temple of Mater Matuta. The cult of Ino and Melicertes arose in Italy, where they were called by the Greeks Leukothea and Palaemon, and by the Romans Matuta and Portunus. Thesan was the Etruscan goddess connected with the Dawn, like Mater Matuta. To some extent, these divine figures are all related to kourotrophia. Incidentally, I will try to suggest that the Roman religious calendar from the 1st of June to the 11th of June was full of details which might allude to one another, with the aim of underlining the importance of human and divine kourotrophia, by using the concept of intertext in literary criticism.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 273-283; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00019

Abstract:
Vergil constructs Dido's curse on Aeneas in direct correspondence to Dido's personal experiences; it is thus a measured response to Aeneas' desertion, as it includes a desire that he suffer what Dido herself has endured. Because Dido had initially offered a union between the Trojans and Tyrians and considered herself and Aeneas married, her curse involves both their nations.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 319-334; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00023

Abstract:
The aim of this paperis the analysis of the meaning of the iconography of the month of September in Late Antique Roman illustrated calendars. This image alludes to the apotropaic ritual of the grape harvest done through the suspension of a lizard above bunches of grapes or containers of wine. The use of this image attests to the continuity of the Dionysian cult in Late Antiquity, even if only at a popular level, because of the definitive affirmation of Christianity. At the same time, the new religion included this iconographic pattern, which has acquired an eschatological meaning related to eternal life.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 257-272; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00018

Abstract:
In Virgil's Eclogues curses and blessings are the heritage of the Theocritean tradition, which in turn reproduced a common feature in folk poetry. But in comparison to Theocritus, who uses these topics to give his poems a folkloric flavour, the Latin poet treats them in a very different way, removing excessively vulgar phrases from his verses, and using curses and blessings in order to give voice to deep feelings on the part of his characters. Sometimes these τόποι express positive or negative hopes in a contrasting pattern (in ecl. 3. 89–91; 7. 21–28, and, first of all, 1. 59–66, which is a special case), while sometimes there is only a positive (ecl. 5. 60–61, 65 and 76–77; ecl. 9. 30–31) or negative (ecl. 8. 52–58) view. The most common figure of speech for curses and blessings is the adynaton.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 445-467; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00032

Abstract:
This paper is focused on the context of an excavation where the Capitoline Philactery was found. It is a silver-inscribed foil, in the upper part we read a short Greek text, while in the lower one the text is written in Hebraic. The foil could protect from malaria. It was found in Rome in the Esquilino quarter in 1874 inside a Mithraeum, that took place in the 3th–4th century within an area of Imperial property. To the same place converged the cult of salutary divinities as well and in the 4th–5th century some sacred artifacts were buried together before the abandonment of the Mithraeum itself, between them there was the Capitoline Philactery.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 481-488; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00031

Abstract:
This small study aims at clarifying some aspects of the encounter between Alexander the Great and the Celts on the Danube in 335 BC and the possible oath sworn by the Celts in order to seal their treaty with Alexander. The main idea is that the breaking of the oath works on the wrongdoer as a curse and the elemental gods of the Universe will seek and succeed in bringing about the evildoer’s destruction.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 105-119; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00008

Abstract:
Summary Literary self is an essential component of Pliny’s self-representation. Pliny’s literary self-portrait is shaped the way he wants it to be by a diverse set of literary techniques utilized in the letters. My paper explores the questions formulated in the letters that thematize the selection and composition of text, and the answers given to them (not necessarily in the form of assertive sentences). This interpretation is not independent from the self-representative character of the letters, yet, it exceeds it on the premise that another dimension may be opened to the understanding of the letters, which points towards the development of the literary and artistic taste of the first century, and its directions.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 15-20; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00001

Abstract:
Summary This article discusses the verse 13 of Pindar’s sixth Pythian ode. The manuscripts have «χεράδι», but editors generally accept C. D. Beck’s conjecture «χεράδει». The text of the manuscripts is also attested in numerous ancient sources, but «χεράδει» also circulated in antiquity as a varia lectio. The ancient criticism on the Pindaric verse is then examined, taking into consideration the possible reading of Aristarchus of Samothrace (fr. 55 Schironi) and the text of P.Oxy. 5039, which probably had χεράδι.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 71-81; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00006

Abstract:
Summary The poet Virgil in his Aeneid employs Gorgon imagery and its attendant connection to the goddess Minerva as part of his explication of one of the key themes of his Augustan epic, namely the progress from a Trojan past to a Roman future. Close analysis of the references to the Perseus myth and related Gorgon legends in the Aeneid reveals a carefully constructed web of intratextual allusions that serve in part to underscore the end of the Trojan order and the advent of the Roman.
Leonardo Gregoratti
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 171-184; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00011

Abstract:
Summary The paper deals with the presence of North-eastern Italic families in Northern Pannonia. Through a selection of the epigraphic texts based on the information provided by the texts and the chronology, it is possible to investigate the spreading of Italic traders’ families from Italy, Noricum and Emona to the cities on the north tract of the “Amber Route” and the Balaton Lake area.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 53-70; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00005

Abstract:
Summary Analysing Greek literary sources together with a selection of preserved ostraka, this article discusses the interrelationships between the prevention of hybris, the perceptions of tyranny, and the purposes of practising ostracism in fifth-century Athens. It will be proposed that the political decisions to organize ostrakophoriai were reactions to the threat posed by hybristic disposition of an individual – hence, ostracism played a role in detecting and punishing one’s motives and intentions. It will also be proposed that luxurious life-style was perceived by the Athenians both as a sign of Medism and of a hybristic disposition characteristic of a would-be-tyrant. Thus, profligate life-styles of political figures might have urged the Athenians to organise ostrakophoriai.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 83-104; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00007

Abstract:
Summary The paper aims at specifying Nepos’ principles of composition in the Liber de excellentibus ducibus exterarum gentium. After reviewing the hypotheses on the structure of the work it will be argued mainly on the basis of the editorial notes and cross-references written in the book that the generals are lined up according to their provenance and arranged in a kind of frame structure to express the translatio imperii. The author focuses attention on the Athenian commanders to demonstrate the organic nature of history: in the background of their vitae the biography of Athens itself is also depicted. With the help of these observations most of the uncertainties, including the striking chronological discrepancies, can be clarified.
Published: 24 June 2021
Acta Antiqua, Volume 60, pp 21-26; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00002

Abstract:
Summary: In or. 25 Demosthenes compares Aristogeiton to a watchdog who, instead of defending the sheeps, attacks and tears them to pieces. This picture seems not to be common in Attic rhetoric, but is occurs in Plat. Rep. 416a, where Socrates warns about the danger that the most popular orators, in betrayal of their former task, assault the demos and eventually become tyrants. This platonic passage confers a new meaning to the Demosthenic statement and suggests the possibility that Aristogeiton aimed at tyranny. Hence the nomos, which only can control physis, protects society from the worst human vices (poneria, hybris and anaideia), and represents the most effective defence of democracy.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 27-51; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00004

Abstract:
Summary The article investigates the extent to which Greek necromancy fits into the wider eschatological, cultic and historical context of an epoch demarcated on the one hand by Homer and on the other by the Classical period. The oldest purported necromantic ritual, with the help of which Odysseus descended into the underworld, is a literary construct inspired especially by the heroic tomb-cults. Scenes depicting funereal necromancy, written by dramatists of the Classical period, were also drawn from this source. Ability, behavior and appearance of heroes were additionally ascribed to the so-called restless spirits and revenants and later came to include all the dead. The main cause of this was a change in eschatological ideas and especially heroization, which in the Roman period spread nominally to all the dead. Reports about necromancy include a high percentage of mythical and literarily-dramatized elements that simply do not correspond with contemporary ideas about the soul, the dead, the underworld and chthonic deities. It therefore appears almost certain that, at least to the end of the period described, necromancy was not carried out in reality but remained only the literary surmise of the possibility indicated by Homer.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 121-148; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00009

Abstract:
Summary From Ennius onwards, Latin poets have repeatedly described in their verses dances or processions of the seasons. When commenting on the regularity of their cycle or succession, they have given specific overtones to their pictures of this natural phenomenon, inspired by their own perception of life or by proper philosophical systems, such as pythagorism and epicureanism. A close examination and comparison of texts by Ennius, Lucretius, Horace, Ovid, and the anonymous authors of the Laus Pisonis and the Aetna, shows that these poets engaged into a mutual dialogue over the centuries. Not only did they establish a true Latin topos, but they also used it so as to give free rein to their originality, in full compliance with the ancient concept of creative mimesis.
Hisham A. Darwish
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 149-170; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00010

Abstract:
Summary This article is concerned with shedding light on two examples of influence between Horace and the Greek poets, both ancient and modern. The aim of this paper is to shed light on several parallel aspects between two of the Alcaic odes of Horace and two modern Greek lyric poems by Constantine Cavafy and Angelos Sikelianos, respectively. Subsequently, I show, within the wider framework of inter-textuality, a subtle example of the utilization and re-utilization of lyric elements that are originally ancient Greek in nature by the Latin and modern Greek poets. In my argumentation, I will rely on textual similarities, as well as on the views expressed by scholars in non-comparative contexts The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, I compare Horace’s carm. 2. 3 with Cavafy’s Ithaka. The most important points of comparison in this section are three common features: instructive tone, the epicurean tendency and the melancholic end. In the second, I compare Horace’s carm. 1. 37 with Sikelianos’ Dithyramb. The most important points of comparison in this section are three common features, namely, the connection of the Bacchic ecstasy to political issues, the connection of the Dionysiac spirit to the struggle against the national enemy and the association of Bacchic frenzy with hunting and chase.
Nikolaus Leo Overtoom
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 1-14; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00003

Abstract:
Summary By 128 BCE the Parthians had emerged temporarily as the de facto leading power throughout the Hellenistic Middle East. Their defeat of Demetrius II’s invasion of Mesopotamia in 138 BCE had furthered their heated rivalry with the Seleucids; however, their destruction of Antiochus VII’s invasion of Mesopotamia and Media in 129 BCE finally ended the threat of the Seleucids to their eastern lands. For the first time in their history, the Parthians considered expanding their hegemony over Armenia, Syria, and the regions along the Eastern Mediterranean coast, thus firmly establishing their unrivaled hegemony. Yet any hopes of immediately occupying these regions quickly vanished because of calamities and miscalculations in the early 120s BCE. Although nomadic incursions ravaged the Iranian plateau in the east throughout the 120s BCE, in the west Phraates II’s sudden release of Demetrius to contest the Seleucid throne in Syria before the death of Antiochus became a political debacle that hindered Parthian influence in the region. Despite the arguments of recent scholarship, Phraates’ decision to release Demetrius was shortsighted and haphazard, and Demetrius never served in Syria as a Parthian vassal. This article is a reevaluation of the western policy of the Parthians in the early 120s BCE and the actions of Demetrius during his second reign concerning the Parthians.
Zsolt Visy
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 60, pp 185-200; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00012

Abstract:
Summary Christianity spread out in Pannonia, too, and in the 3rd century there are proofs of its existence in the southern part of both Pannonias. Christianity became stronger in consequence of placing the officium praesidis of Valeria to Sopianae at the end of the 3rd century. The flourishing of ancient Christianity in Sopianae and in the surrounding villas was in the second half of the 4th century. The bronze casket mounts recently found in Bakonya support this historical reconstruction and offer new evidence for the presence of rich Christians in that era.
Published: 25 September 2020
Acta Antiqua, Volume 59, pp 505-518; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.44

Abstract:
Summary: This study starts from Labov’s proposal that distinguishes linguistic changes from above and from below based on the awareness that speakers have of a change. The basic question of this work is whether these two levels are recognizable in some changes – essentially pragmatic – in late Latin. The development of politeness forms is proposed as a change from above, while the development of minimizers, which sometimes results in terms of negation, as a change from below. In fact, using titles and address forms, related to formality and politeness, requires the speaker/writer be strongly aware of the social characteristics of his own and the interlocutor. Documents of the first centuries as letters by the Popes and the Christian hierarchies show signs of a socio-cultural change that results in new definitions of the self and, consequently, in the use of new address forms. On the contrary, everyday linguistic use, from below, shows how some recurring pragmatic needs determine developments that can affect different levels of the system in several ways. We will exemplify these changes from below with the expressions of small quantities used as minimizers (micam, guttam), showing how these forms are common in late Latin.
Published: 25 September 2020
Acta Antiqua, Volume 59, pp 527-535; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.46

Abstract:
Summary: A number of disparate onomastic phenomena occurring in northwestern Iberia have long puzzled scholars: the abundance of Arabic personal names in early medieval Christian communities, often fossilised as place–names; the extraordinarily profuse Romance toponym Quintana; and a surprisingly high number of hypothetical Amazigh (i.e. Berber) demonyms. In this paper we argue that these seemingly disparate onomastic phenomena can all be explained if it is accepted that following the Islamic invasion of Iberia in 711, the Amazigh settlers of the Northwest were at least partially latinophone. The internal history of the Maghreb suggests this would have been the case at least in the sense of Latin as a lingua franca, a situation which the speed and superficiality of the Islamic conquest of said region would have been unlikely to have altered significantly. In this context, all of the puzzling onomastic elements encountered in the Northwest fall into place as the result of the conquest and settlement of a Romance– speaking region by Romance–speaking incomers bearing Arabic personal names but retaining their indigenous tribal affiliations and logically choosing to interact with the autochthonous population in the lan-guage they all shared.
Published: 25 September 2020
Acta Antiqua, Volume 59, pp 377-386; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.33

Abstract:
Summary: I examine verbal prefixation analyzing the functional changes of the Latin ad- prefix from Classical Latin to Italian. In order to conduct the research properly I needed to separate the verbs in ety- mological groups directly derived from Latin (Classical, Vulgar or Late Latin) from the verbs created in the Romance period and the Latin loan verbs. The different origin of the verbs influences our expectation regarding the analyzability of a given verb (the recognisability of the prefix as an independent element and its semantic value - which can be different from that of its Latin origin). This division is not as clear cut as it seems to be, because, in the case of the Italian, phonetic evidence in favour of one group or another is often missing. I present the possible solutions I found for the grouping problems using semantic evidence, comparison with the other Romance languages, dating of the given verb, etc. Furthermore, I highlight the general and specific factors which determine the assignment of a certain verb to a certain group in order to obtain a precise but still flexible set of verbal categories.
Published: 25 September 2020
Acta Antiqua, Volume 59, pp 387-397; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.34

Abstract:
Summary:The paper deals with the derivational category of ‘action nouns’ both as a subject of general linguistics and as a problem of Indo-European morphology (primarily in the diachrony of Latin but also from the perspective of comparative philology). First of all, I elucidate the concepts used in the analysis of verbal abstracts – above all their well renowned definition by Walter Porzig as “Namen für Satzinhalte”. Subsequently, I interpret some passages occurring in comedies of Plautus and epigraphic documents of Old Latin illustrating the diachronic developments by accounting for some construction patterns under consideration of their ‘suprasyntactic’ aspects. In the paragraphs following, I discuss a variety of IE actional types (including the genesis of infinitives), also taking care of some significant relics of verbal constructions in Ancient Greek.The implication scale of increasing ‘concretization’, which I proposed and utilized in my studies so far, exhibits a development from action via the steps: result, instrument, location leading to (collective) agents. This thesis may also be corroborated by a number of Latin testimonies.According to my concept of correlation between frequency of nomina actionis and nomina acti on the one hand and the corresponding text type on the other, I present a number of examples taken from the authors Vitruvius, Frontinus, Petronius, Juvenalis, Justinus and Dares Phrygius. I describe and interpret them by means of qualitative criteria and quantitative parameters such as occurrence, semantic profile and competition in relation to alternative derivational types that employ cognate stems and affixes.
Ioana-Rucsandra Dascălu
Published: 25 September 2020
Acta Antiqua, Volume 59, pp 45-51; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.7

Abstract:
SummaryOur contribution to the Colloquium of Late and Vulgar Latin has been anticipated by previous interventions and articles written on that subject. We have been much helped by the online data of the projects PaLaFra and CoLaMer, which are offering a wide range of texts in late Latin, both historical and hagiographic.We found it hard to define aspirated consonants: they do not exist in modern languages (for instance in French), where they are called digrams or graphical groups or graphemes.In a corpus made up of late Latin texts, we have discovered words of various origins which contain aspirated consonants: the Hebrew ones are very numerous: pascha or proper names: Seth, Lamech, Iafet/Iaphet (Fredegar), Sabaoth (Passio Quirini). There are also Greek words borrowed by Latin: machi- natio, monachus, thesaurus, prophetess. The Merovingian texts (6th-8th centuries) are a real source of words containing aspirated consonants: the unadapted Frankish words of Pactus legis salicae, which occur together with latinized ones: Bothem, Rhenus, chranne. In Liber Historiae Francorum there are many names of persons and of populations which contain aspirated consonants: Chlodio, Merovechus, Childericus, Gothi. There are many hesitations in the transcription of the aspirated consonants in late Latin texts, therefore we consider our intervention a very useful one for latinists, for specialists of Old French and for romanists.
Published: 25 September 2020
Acta Antiqua, Volume 59, pp 635-650; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.55

Abstract:
Summary: The great challenges in the study of Pompeian wall–inscriptions are dealt with. To exemplify the difficulties one encounters studying these documents for linguistic purposes, new readings of some inscriptions are presented and the improved text is commented upon.
Published: 25 September 2020
Acta Antiqua, Volume 59, pp 477-488; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.42

Abstract:
Summary: This paper looks at uses and pragmatic functions of five hypothetic clauses used parenthetically in Late Latin to soften the illocutionary force of potentially face-threatening acts such as orders and requests. Specifically, the data show that these politeness markers typically mitigate a very specific type of interactional move, i.e., meta-textual proposals with topic-management, turn-yielding, and discourseorganizational concerns. Moreover, the corpus-based study has revealed that they are found above all in Augustine’s philosophical dialogues. Evidence from earlier research has shown, on the other hand, that in Classical Latin si placet was used almost exclusively in Cicero’s philosophical dialogues: this suggests a process of imitation within a very specific discourse tradition, where these markers are perceived as a stylistic feature typical of urbane conversations among educated friends.
Published: 25 September 2020
Acta Antiqua, Volume 59, pp 9-18; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.3

Abstract:
SummaryThis paper compares the romanization of Gaul in the 1st century BC and the gallicization of the island of Martinique during 17th-century French colonial expansion, using criteria set out by Muf- wene's Founder Principle. The Founder Principle determines key ecological factors in the formation of creole vernaculars, such as the founding populations and their proportion to the whole, language varieties spoken, and the nature and evolution of the interactions of the founding populations (also referred to as “colonization styles”). Based on the comparison, it will be claimed that new languages arise when a language undergoes vehicularization and subsequently shifts from one speech community to another. In other words, linguistic genesis would be a complicated case of language contact, where not only one, but sev- eral dialects of both superstrate and substrate varieties are involved, in a historical context where the identity function of language, or the norm, is overriden by the need to communicate. Research also indicates that language varieties spoken at the time of the shift did not pertain to normative usage, but to popular varieties, dialects, or both, since the emerging vernaculars - in Gaul, as well as in Martinique - preserved some of their phonological and lexical particularities.
Published: 25 September 2020
Acta Antiqua, Volume 59, pp 587-599; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.51

Abstract:
Summary: At the beginning of my paper I have explained why I could not use the new finds of the Vindolanda Tablets. In this regard I quoted the letter I sent to Professor Bowman and the kind answer he gave me. Then I took into account three elements of the Vindolanda Tablets until now published that deserve attention, namely (1) the conflation of second and third conjugation of Latin verb, which is considered a feature of Vulgar Latin, (2) the presence of official language in distinguishing the familiar puer from the formal servus to mention a slave, and (3) the use of rogo (or similar verbs) + ut or the simple subjunctive. In all these cases the presumption of Vulgar Latin in Vindolanda tablets must be reduced. As to the first I actually challenged in some cases the supposed conflation of second and third conjugation. I demonstrated that the expression qui debunt (instead of debent) must be read qui debent, because the letter V of debunt is a false reading for E written in the cursive form employed not only in Vindolanda tablets but also in a letter sent by Cl. Terentianus to his father, Cl. Tiberianus, in P. Mich. VIII 468. 40. The closing greetings Valu fratur (Vindolanda Tablet 301 Plate XXIII), which of course must be read Vale frater is a proof that in the cursive formula of final greetings, written in a kind of currente calamo, a cursive script was employed and the conflation of second and third conjugation must be reduced in some cases to a cursive (and regular) script. Also as to the difference between puer and servus, and rogo + subj. (with ut or without ut) the Vindolanda’s Latin was not so vulgar as could be supposed if we consider Octavius’ and Chrautius’ Latinitas. In particular the construction of rogo + subj. (with ut or withour ut) was object of study because Latin speaker showed a great attention in choosing one or the other construction as happened in a couple of letters sent by Brutus and Cassius to Mark Antony. Maybe this depended upon the action of military scribes, as Adams right supposed. On the other hand, if we consider the role played by Brittain Latin in the Carolingian Renaissance, every defence of correct Latin in this region requires a larger investigation. Therefore the use of the new Vindolanda Letters should have a great weight.
Published: 25 September 2020
Acta Antiqua, Volume 59, pp 611-621; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.53

Abstract:
SummaryEgeria, a 4th century pious woman from the south of present-day Spain, retold, after visiting Palestine with the Bible in hand, her observations to her sisters. If the linguistic aspects of her letters are quite well-known, much less is known about its stylistic value, inappropriately called “simple”.What seems to be boringly the same again and again, is in fact a constantly renewed and perfectly mastered “variation on a theme”, just as in a well-composed piece of music. Her apparent objectivity is indeed a wish to focus on what she considers the most important, namely to tell her community, as closely to reality as possible, what she observed during her pilgrimage. However, Egeria’s latin is also a testimony of the christian lexicon in construction and of the social changes that were in progress by that time.Linguistics and stylistics work together here, the choice of a word or a grammatical formula reveals hidden information about the proper style of an author who, despite her supposed objectivity, had real personal purposes.
Published: 25 September 2020
Acta Antiqua, Volume 59, pp 537-546; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.47

Abstract:
Summary: Jupiter Dolichenus was a Roman god, a so-called ‘Oriental deity’ whose mystery cult gained popularity in the 2nd century AD, reached a peak under the Severi in the early 3rd century AD, and died out shortly after. As for Jupiter Dolichenus, he is sometimes referred to by scholars as ‘Baal of Doliche’ or ‘Dolichenian Baal’.1 The name Baal is derived from the term Ba’al, meaning ‘owner’ or ‘lord’, and the word must have been used as a title for gods in general. Over six hundreds monuments – mainly inscriptions – of the Dolichenian cult have come to light from the Eastern and Western parts of the Empire. The name Jupiter with the epithet Dolichenus – from the original name of Doliche – appears in inscriptions in many incorrect forms including Dolichenius, Dolychenus, Dolochenus, Dolicenus, Dolcenus, Dulcenus, Dolucens.Which of the above epithets reflects the original Syrian form and tradition? Is it possible that Dulcenus is the original and correct form of the deity’s name, or is it just another vulgar change which appeared separately in time and space? This paper tries to prove the latter with the help of the LLDB. The Dolichenian cult is thought to have first been introduced by Syrian merchants and auxiliary soldiers, including troops from Commagene (the province that includes Doliche). In the light of the names of the priests of Jupiter Dolichenus, Speidel2 states that the Jupiter Dolichenian cult in the army was largely supported by Syrians and other Orientals.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 59, pp 295-304; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.26

Abstract:
Summary: The aim of the paper is to examine the types of coreferentiality that exist between implicit and explicit elements of absolute constructions and the constituents of the clauses in which these constructions are embedded. The question is analysed from a diachronic perspective. I argue that the problem of coreferentiality should be taken into consideration in discussions on the emergence of the accusative or nominative absolute, and in discussions about such phenomena as nominativus pendens.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 59, pp 317-325; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.28

Abstract:
Summary “There are 150 words in Catullus which occur once only in his writings, and of these more than 70 per cent are rare in the whole of Latin literature, and more than 90 per cent do not occur in Vergil at all” – writes J. Whatmough in his work Poetic, Scientific, and other Forms of Discourse, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1956, 41. It is necessary to distinguish between genuine and apparent once-words. The true once-word is a coinage that never recurs; the number of the true once-words is exceedingly small. Catullus’ once-words were well known, but not in writing. Theoretically one would expect such words to be polysyllabic; so are the comic jawbreakers of Aristophanes which fit the pattern of his verse so well. The hapax legomena of Catullus are not genuine once-words of the spoken language, but they are vulgar and in some contexte obscene. We can, therefore, regard them as taboo words. They occur sometimes in similes; cf. Poems 17, 23, 25, 97. In my paper I would like to analyse some vulgar hapax legomena of Catullus.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 59, pp 341-351; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.30

Abstract:
Summary: St. Augustine as a preacher used a language close to his multi-ethnic North-African audience who were often poorly educated in Latin, if not illiterate. So when explaining difficult biblical passages translated from Greek into Latin, he had to search for appropriate expressions which, in many cases, were not conform with standard Latin taught at schools. Therefore, this paper focuses on some aspects of Late Latin present in old Latin translations of Scriptures and explained by Augustine in his exegetical homilies, mainly in his Commentaries on the Psalms, paying particular attention to his interpretation of verba dubitationis (especially forsitan) as reflected in his Enarratio in Psalmum 123. 8, Tractatus in Iohannis Evangelium 37. 3–5, and other related passages.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 59, pp 305-315; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.27

Abstract:
Summary: This paper aims to examine some aspects of the verbal inflectional endings found in a corpus of 9th-century legal documents produced in the Lombard duchy of Salerno, in the South of Italy. Compared to nominal inflection, verbal inflection endings display a stronger continuity with the Latin of previous stages. Nevertheless, different types of innovations are observable. On the basis of data from present indicative and subjunctive, two of them will be analysed: 1) innovative forms explicable in terms of well-known morpho-phonological processes and showing convergence with the Romance outcomes 2) innovative variants, that can be interpreted in different ways, diverging both from previous stages of the Latin and from the Romance outcomes. To interpret both these kinds of variation, a crucial role is played by external factors such as the cultural level of the authors of the documents and their capability to conform to the traditional linguistic models.
Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Volume 59, pp 181-187; https://doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.17

Abstract:
SummaryThis short paper addresses a very vexed issue, to which a huge literature has been dedicated so far: the origin of the so-called gerunds and gerundives in Latin. Any previous attempt has proved un- conclusive, mainly because of the proliferation of ad hoc rules assumed to account for the nd-forms and even more because of the plethora of solutions. Instead of assuming another etymon for the sake of antago- nism, this paper intends to reassess the whole issue within Latin itself: as shown by non-standard syntacti- cal features of Plautinian and Late Latin, there is a morphological relationship between the present parti- ciple and the ndō-gerund, used to express simultaneity. Whereas the previous scholarship has taken for granted the assumption that thematic verbs used to have a *-odno- suffix (cf. OLat. -und-), which led to tautological reconstructions totally unparalleled outside Italic, I would tentatively explain the unexpected o-grade of such forms by a crossing with the old o-grade participles (cf. OLat. *uoluns ‘willing’ reflected by uoluntās). Such an approach vindicates the ancient theory according to which -andus reflects *-ātan-ó- (< PIE *-eh2-t>mṇn-ó-), provided one assumes that a reanalysis of *-ātan-ó- was made as a “suffix” *-tanos following the thematic vowel of the first conjugation, which produced *fer-e-tnó- ‘ferendus’ from thematic *fer-e- ‘to bear’.
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