Language and Linguistics

Journal Information
ISSN / EISSN: 1606822X / 23095067
Total articles ≅ 244

Latest articles in this journal

Chinfa Lien
Published: 12 September 2022
Language and Linguistics, Volume 23, pp 710-742;

The paper explores the formation and constraint of an aspect of scalar structure in Taiwanese Southern Min (TSM). The scale structure as we understand it is realized as a relation between the degree adverb and the gradable predicates it selects. The gradable predicate that the degree adverb selects must bear the feature of degree. There are two approaches to compose the degree adverb and the gradable predicates it modifies: (1) the top-down construal and (2) the bottom-up construal. The first approach is simple and straightforward and applicable in most cases. However, there will be difficulties when the immediate modified element is an ambivalent element. A way out of the dilemma is the second approach. We give a unitary account of u7-headed VP constructions in terms of the bottom-up approach, and if viable, it attains a measure of economy. This study also touches on the parametric variations in TSM vis-à-vis Mandarin in the patterns of degree expressions. Such variations in the degree expressions have some implications in the studies of Sinitic languages as well as language universals.
Miao-Ling Hsieh, Su-Ying Hsiao
Published: 12 September 2022
Language and Linguistics, Volume 23, pp 680-709;

This paper studies the “one+verbal classifier” sequence tsi̍t-ē that appears after an indefinite object complement in Taiwanese Southern Min. We call it the post-complement (PC) tsi̍t-ē. While the tsi̍t-ē sequence can be a durative phrase when it is immediately preceded by a verb, the PC tsi̍t-ē cannot be replaced by the durative phrase tsi̍t-ē-á ‘a while’ (tsi̍t-ē plus the diminutive suffix á) or other durative phrases. We show that the PC tsi̍t-ē is a sentence-final particle, not a durative phrase serving as a predicate or complement. Moreover, it marks delimitativity, which means ‘termination in a short time.’ It is the same kind of delimitativity that verb reduplication in Mandarin Chinese expresses despite the fact that the latter targets on the verb and is more selective in terms of the verb types that it can occur with. Moreover, the PC tsi̍t-ē carries the ‘down-play’ meaning. Syntactically, we suggest that it heads an AspP, which occurs above a vP.
Haiping Long, Xianhui Wang, Lei Wang
Published: 12 September 2022
Language and Linguistics, Volume 23, pp 743-777;

In Modern Chinese, four construction types involving nǐ shuō may be distinguished. In this study, it is argued that the prosodically unseparated speech-quotative nǐ shuō (S1) develops from the prosodically separated speech-quotation nǐ shuō (S3) through a hypothesized complementation pathway which makes the nǐ shuō predicate the matrix clause of the following content clause. Prosodically unseparated feedback-seeking nǐ shuō (S2), in contrast, develops from a prosodically separated feedback-seeking nǐ shuō (S4) via a hypothesized conjoining pathway which involves the loss of a prosodic gap between the feedback-seeking nǐ shuō predicate and the clause that it occurs with. Contrary to the common assumption in the literature, S2 does not develop from S1. Meaning difference influences the selection of each of the two pathways, and in the source construction when an S3 or S4 is prosodically separated from the clause it occurs with, it is not the matrix clause of the latter. The account given in this study may also be used to explain the formation of English parenthetical predicate you say.
Jung-Im Chang
Published: 12 September 2022
Language and Linguistics, Volume 23, pp 601-643;

The Old Chinese function word yān is frequently interpreted as a fusion of [ (‘at/on/in’) + (near demonstrative pronoun)] in terms of its meaning. Ever since Kennedy (1940a, b; 1953) argued that is a fusion of [ + *an (third-person pronoun)], it has been controversial as to exactly which third-person pronoun/demonstrative pronoun *an corresponds to in Old Chinese. There is no third-person pronoun/demonstrative pronoun that is appropriate for this reconstruction. This paper illustrates how *Ɂan is a fusion of *Ɂa and *niɁ; *nih or *nɔɁ; *nɔh, which means ‘this’ in Proto-Austroasiatic (PAA). The demonstrative is borrowed into Chinese through language contact in the Early Archaic Chinese period (10th to 6th c. BC). This fusion is plausible in historical and phonological terms, while the grammaticalization path of also accords with that of [ + demonstrative]. The grammaticalization path of is examined by analyzing all occurrences of it in the Bronze Inscriptions (BI), The book of odes (Shījīng詩經), The book of documents (Shàngshū尚書), and Zuo’s commentary (Zuǒzhuàn左傳). Also, the usages of its etymological doublet , which is considered to be a fusion of [ *wa (‘at/on/in’) + near demonstrative pronoun], are analyzed in order to strengthen the argument.
Jie Cheng
Published: 12 September 2022
Language and Linguistics, Volume 23, pp 644-679;

A tensed clause that undergoes nominalization marked with pa (pa-phrase) in Lhasa Tibetan can give either an event reading or a participant reading. A syntactic analysis of the pa-phrase is conducted by proposing the Differential Nominalizer Hypothesis (DNH). Specifically, pa selects an AspP as its complement and projects an NP; pa enters the derivation either as a grammatical item that shifts an AspP to an NP or as a lexical item that binds an empty category in the theme position within the AspP. This categorial difference of pa and the consequent derivational difference of the pa-phrase provide a plausible account of the semantic ambiguity of pa-nominalization. The idea that the nominalizer pa has a double category is supported with an assumption of grammaticalization, as is evidenced by the functional multiplicity of pa in Lhasa Tibetan: it is a productive grammatical marker but still bears lexical content of a lexical formative. The assumption of grammaticalization lends support to the DNH.
Haoxi Deng
Language and Linguistics, Volume 18, pp 505-520;

抽象: 漢語中量詞的句法結構及其功能一直是學界關注的熱點問題之一。《漢語的量詞結構》(Classifier Structures in Mandarin Chinese) 一書為漢語量詞的句法結構、句法位置以及語義解讀提供了精細的描寫和分析。基於 [Numerability] 和 [Delimitability] 兩個具有雙值特徵的屬性,本書提出了名詞的四分法,通過名詞的四分法來對漢語的量詞進行重新審視,進而為漢語量詞的功能提出了新看法。雖然本書仍有一些值得商榷之處,但本書的確是一本研究語言量詞結構及其相關屬性的具有重要價值的文獻。
Huili Zhang, Haifeng Duan, Haihua Pan
Language and Linguistics, Volume 18, pp 479-504;

抽象: 本文從焦點–重音匹配的角度來探討漢語日常口語中「把」字句謂語部分的複雜性。本文認為,與一般 [PP V] 結構不同,「把」字句是為了在句子層面上把位於「把」NP 後的謂語部分處理為資訊焦點而產生的一種特殊句式,而實現為資訊焦點的必要條件就是必須得到句法結構提供的核心重音。由於「把」字句中「把」後 NP 是謂語動詞的論元,其後的謂語部分只有在句法上形成分支結構才能夠得到核心重音,僅僅在韻律上形成分支結構是不夠的,因此光杆動詞和不形成句法分支的雙音節動詞都被排除在「把」字句之外。這個觀點也適用於其他動詞在尾的結構,例如被動句和「連…都」結構等。
Xiaojie Yin, Jiahe Zhang
Language and Linguistics, Volume 18, pp 452-478;

抽象: 嵌偶單音詞是當代書面正式語體極其重要的組成部分,本文首次提出「嵌偶化」這一概念和判斷一個單音詞嵌偶與否的標準,並以「鼻」、「遍」為例,分別考察了兩類單音詞的「嵌偶化」過程。本文認為,「嵌偶化」的實質就是歷史上一部分單音詞退出口語,繼續以嵌偶單音詞的形式保留在書面正式語體中的過程。同時,也是以語素形式嵌入口語雙音模型——雙音節詞的「語素化」過程,「嵌偶化」實指這兩種嵌偶模型的產生過程,口語中的「語素化」是實現「嵌偶化」的必要方式和必經過程。對單音詞「嵌偶化」的初步探討,實質就是從語體角度來考察現代嵌偶詞的「語體化」歷程。
Takahiro Higashi, Yunjia Wang
Language and Linguistics, Volume 18, pp 430-451;

抽象: 北京話去聲連讀存在前去變成升調的社會變體,對於這種變體的成因,學界的看法不盡相同。本文用個案語音和文本分析的方法對北京話連去變調與詞重音之間的關係進行了研究。首先通過聲學測量和兩個聽辨實驗確定了變調樣本的重音格式,發現前去能夠變為升調的兩字組基本上都是聽感上的後重型。然後通過與若干輕音詞表的對比確認發生前去變調的雙音節詞在北京口語中不存在前重式。文章分析了北京話中兩種去聲變調格式——前去變為升調和後去變為低降調——的形成原因以及詞重音對變調格式的作用。作者認為,連去組合中的兩種變調格式實質上都是在重音保留本調原則、重讀音節同化非重讀音節原則和減少曲折原則的基礎上,相鄰音節音高同化作用的結果,同時,去聲連讀中的順向同化和逆向同化作用間接也說明了北京話的雙音節詞存在前重和後重兩種重音模式。
Zhaojin Du, Baoya Chen
Language and Linguistics, Volume 18, pp 383-429;

抽象: 本文以無聲調的維吾爾語和有聲調的漢語的自然接觸作為研究對象,通過田野調查收集維吾爾族人說漢語的第一手材料,以語音標記性差異的視角,觀察、分析維漢自然接觸環境下維吾爾族人學習漢語聲調的具體過程、特點和規律。研究發現,維漢接觸中維吾爾族人以維吾爾語的詞調調型來匹配漢語聲調;隨著維吾爾族人漢化程度的提高,聲調匹配逐步實現由「無序匹配」向「有序匹配」的轉化,這是一個相對緩慢的發展過程,往往要經歷「無聲調意識→有聲調意識→聲調匹配有序化開始→實現聲調有序匹配」等幾個階段;維漢接觸中聲調實現有序匹配需要相當長的時間,是由聲調的標記性高造成的。這一過程可稱為「聲調標記匹配有序化」。
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