Open Journal of Political Science

Journal Information
ISSN / EISSN : 2164-0505 / 2164-0513
Published by: Scientific Research Publishing, Inc. (10.4236)
Total articles ≅ 371
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Latest articles in this journal

Rodgers Mwansa
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 12, pp 276-298; https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2022.122017

Abstract:
The 2017 Zambia’s Refugee Act (Part IV, no. 41, 42, 43) granted refugees with formal educational qualifications that are legally recognized in the country and have work permits, the right to choose a trade, occupation, or profession. In addition, Mantapala refugee settlement was opened in 2018 as a pilot for refugee livelihood integration. Despite these efforts, most refugees remain economically vulnerable. This study, therefore, aimed at assessing the relational implication of education on socio-economic integration of refugees in Zambia taking the case of Mantapala refugee settlement. A cross-sectional research design, through questionnaires and interviews, was used to obtain quantitative and qualitative data at Mantapala. A Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and thematic analysis were applied to establish significant relationships between variables. Furthermore, the African indigenous theory of ubuntu; which puts emphasis on solidarity and collective responsibility served as a lens through which the analysis provided conclusions and recommendations.
Gbemi Odusote, Yakusak Aduak
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 12, pp 321-336; https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2022.123019

Abstract:
Since the first quarter of 2020, African nations have been forced to battle to scourge of COVID-19 and its toll on the economies across the African continent. As normalcy resumes, the timing of the implementation of the provisions of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) could not have been timelier. While the objectives of the AfCFTA include the economic integration within the continent, which is considered noble and timely, this paper argues that the objectives of the AfCFTA may not be realised if Africa refuses to combat corruption within the continent and among member nations. Following a doctrinal approach, this paper recommends the incorporation of the provisions of the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption (AUCPCC) into the AfCFTA to demonstrate political will of African leaders to combat corruption.
Juan Andres Buedo Garcia
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 12, pp 299-320; https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2022.122018

Abstract:
This political study unravels the results and derivations of the potential official interest in closing the conventional train line between Madrid and Valencia, showing in all sections that it is urgent to ensure that a mistake is not made with wide consequences. This requires completely discarding the so-called “XCuenca Plan”, since it would generate a problem that has been dragging on for many years and that has only been getting worse over time. The general objective is focused on claiming support for the train and the maintenance of the line, as the backbone and dynamizer of the province of Cuenca. This opinion has been achieved through the most common methods of information extraction in Sociology in the field of local management, focusing on those areas in which it is necessary to have a diagnostic knowledge of the reality on which it is intended to act. With concrete data it is shown that there is a better alternative to this plan to structure the localities of the provinces of Cuenca, Toledo, Madrid and Valencia, in terms of travel time and price. And a new strategy, elaborated by Pablo Salvador Zuriaga, a PhD professor at the Polytechnic University of Valencia, reveals that the solution to this problem must be based on rail-road intermodality and its application to the localities of the Serranía Baja de Cuenca. The strategy is based on improving the benefits that the improved line would introduce and its operation with updated rolling stock, but it goes further. Once the line is renewed, the objective is to carry out a public consultation with the municipalities under the area of influence of the line to agree on the service schedules. From there, solutions must be articulated to move travelers from the population centers to the nearest stations. We will see that this solution, even considering the transfer times, is more efficient than assigning a bus that passes through the successive population centers.
Chukwuemeka Enyiazu, Onyedikachi Madueke, Casmir Chukwuka Mbaegbu
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 12, pp 162-180; https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2022.122010

Abstract:
The current corps of Nigerian army are products of top tertiary military and policy institutions. They have demonstrated their prowess internationally, especially, in peace keeping and peace enforcement. Forty-four years (44 yrs) after the Nigerian Afro-Beat Maestro (Fela) sang, “…they leave sorrow, tears and blood…”, the Nigerian army is still riveted in gross human rights abuses. Recently, it is competing with Boko Haram on who comes first on the list of International Criminal Court’s (ICC) human rights abuses. Given that the army is trained to use maximum force and the fact that post-colonial states’ crises, especially in Africa, and specifically Nigeria are internal. There has been the debate on the establishment of medium force outfit in Nigeria, which led to the establishment and subsequent disbandment of National Guard in the 1990s. The debate continued to rage in this Fourth Industrial Revolution era. But the cost implication of running such a paramilitary outfit has posed a major hindrance. To fill this gap, this paper joins the debate and argues for the establishment of an Army Constabulary Corp (ACC), a medium force between the army maximum force and the police minimum force. The paper uses the Feaver Agency theory of civil military relation as its theoretical framework. The study collated data through documentary methods. In analysing the data, the qualitative data were transcribed, interpreted, and analysed through systematic logical inductions.
Nigar Nese Kemiksiz
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 12, pp 144-161; https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2022.122009

Abstract:
This article deals with the relations between the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood Organization (MBO) and the Jordanian regime during and after the Arab Spring and aims to reveal how the Arab Spring affected the relations. That the MBO, performing legal activities in Jordan since 1945, was terminated upon the judicial decision in July 2020 constituted great importance due to eliminating the activities of the most powerful opposing organization in the country. The Arab Spring became a milestone in the relations between the Jordanian MBO and the Hashemite Monarchy. It is thought that the Jordanian MBO expected to form a Muslim Brotherhood line in the region exhibited a competitive attitude against the regime and aimed to weaken the legitimacy of the regime. However, the fact that the Arab Spring was not progressed in an expected way, particularly the fact the Egyptian MBO was overthrown by the military coup, constituted a significant impact on the Jordanian MBO, as it did to all Muslim Brotherhood Organizations. After the military coup, the renewed regional balance provided the proper conditions, so that the Jordanian regime was able to marginalize the MBO. Within this scope, the Jordanian regime adopted an action that was executed over time and the radical wing of the organization, regarded as a supporter of Hamas, was disbanded. The article concludes that the Arab Spring consolidated the concept of strengthening the Jordanian identity of the state and ensured the Jordanianization of the MBO just like in the other critical processes in the recent past of Jordan.
Adebukola Olubunmi Ayoola
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 12, pp 28-45; https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2022.121003

Abstract:
This study examined the nature and trend of insecurity and patterns of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Nigeria from 1999-2014 with a view to provide information on how insecurity affects the patterns of FDI in Nigeria. The study employed both primary and secondary data. Primary data were sourced through in-depth interviews conducted on purposively selected respondents from Ministry, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) of government who are directly involved in handling issues of security and FDI in the country; economic attaché of some selected embassies; foreign business organisations in the country and the academia with interest on FDI and security issues. Secondary data were sourced from academic journals, government publications, newspapers and magazines on variables such as FDI and insecurity. The study adopted the theoretical framework of liberal transnationalism of political economy perspective. Data were analysed using qualitative and descriptive methods. The result revealed that the nature and trend of insecurity negatively impacted on the patterns of FDI in Nigeria both in the oil and non-oil sector within the period under studied.
Tan Tan, Mariia German
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 12, pp 1-13; https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2022.121001

Abstract:
Strategic partnership is an evolving phenomenon, and there has been no consensus on its definition. But the academic endeavors by now manifest some degrees of congruence on the constitutive features of strategic partnership. This study first generalizes the constitutive features of strategic partnership. Then through the lens of these constitutive features, the relationship of Russia and Iran is examined. They have some converging interests in Syria: the common perception of a Western challenge, a high degree of military-security cooperation, similar economic motivations for their interventions in support of Assad regime, and the geopolitical importance of Syria to both countries. However, they have diverging goals in Syria too: serious ideological differences, the instrumentality of Syria in Russia’s strategy, rivalry for influence, divergent policies to Israel, and potential competitors as energy suppliers. Thus, in the framework of the Syrian crisis, Russo-Iranian relations are difficult to characterize as typical strategic partnership. Their relationship is “tactical rather than strategic” and their interactions are “pragmatic rather than systematic”.
Aktaş Hayati, Çora Hakan, Mikail Elnur Hasan, Karabulut Andaç
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 12, pp 207-216; https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2022.122013

Abstract:
The issue of humanitarian intervention is widely discussed in the field of international relations. While the issue of humanitarian intervention is necessary for hegemonic states, it is defined as the justification for “occupation” for states with more idealistic discourses. According to critics of “humanitarian intervention”, the clearest example of the criticized occupation issue is the US-Iraq war. The concept of humanitarian intervention has been discussed in the international system for a long time, and its status under international law still remains unclear. The USA carried out a military operation in Iraq under the pretext of humanitarian intervention, because of this, the Saddam regime was overthrown, furthermore, had other devastating consequences. The USA has labeled some states including Iraq as “rogue” states that “brutalize their own people and squander their natural resources for the personal gain of their rulers”. In this study, the humanitarian intervention by the USA, which has a negative impact on Iraq, is examined.
Andrew P. Kakabadse, Nada Kakabadse
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 12, pp 232-255; https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2022.122015

Abstract:
Studies show that citizen dissatisfaction with democracy is on the rise. Equally, trust in public institutions is on the decline, but despite this, citizens desire to shape the future of society is growing. The contribution of this paper is three-fold. First, the varying interpretations of democracy are scrutinised in order to surface the nature of scrutinized liberal democracy. Second, the negative impacts of democracy cycles are highlighted as shaped by the interests of elites in their pursuit of economic gain thus undermining liberal democracy and the adoption of diversity. Third, and through such influence, the independence of the fourth estate is diminished requiring the institutionalisation of the custodiary in order to promote a fourth democratic wave. Thus, the aim of our paper is to surface a free flow of contrasting perspectives from multiple entities and in so doing make the case for regulation which limits undesired monopolistic and oligopolistic interests.
Andreea-Daniela Fedor, Corneliu Iațu
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 12, pp 108-123; https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2022.121007

Abstract:
Most of the studies focus on the high representation of women in politics such as in Parliament, Government or Euro Parliament, while little attention is given to the local government despite its importance within the national politic system. Therefore, the aim of this research is to better analyze, observe and understand the dynamics of women’s participation at the electoral process in the local government as candidates and winners, but also as voters in the North East Region of Development of Romania. The focus is on the progress made or not toward gender equality in political decision making in the 32 years of democracy. More precisely, how substantial are the changes, after 7 elections, regarding the number of women that chose to run for elections, to what extent were they voted and how high is the success rate of success when compared to the male-candidates. The methodology consists in descriptive analysis of the political representativity, depending on the identified evolution trends, correlated with the Regions of Romania and political parties. To carry out this study, quantitative and qualitative methods were combined. The analyzed data for the local election from 1996 to 2020 focus on the studied area-North East Region which has the highest level of female mayors when compared with the others. The results show an under-representation of women in local government with a percentage of 6.34% female mayors, 1 percentage higher than at national level (5.33%). Moreover, 84.20% of administrative units have never had a female mayor. Also, the women’s rates of success are lower (15.28% in 2020) when compared to their male counterparts (22.26%) (ROAEP).
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