Open Journal of Political Science

Journal Information
ISSN / EISSN : 2164-0505 / 2164-0513
Current Publisher: Scientific Research Publishing, Inc. (10.4236)
Total articles ≅ 300
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Latest articles in this journal

Jaime Espejel-Mena
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 54-72; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111005

The performance of weak democratic governments provides the conditions for business elites or political parties to isolate or focus public goods on society. The relationship between the State and society is nourished by positive freedoms and dignifies them, however, a government is required that amalgamates the objectives of the State, public services to the needs of the population, social capital, and limits negative freedoms. The objective of this article is to analyze the problems of governments in their national and local spheres, to consolidate their democracy through electoral or political channels and then to ensure a required capacity to satisfy the provision of services—formal arrangements—to demonstrate a efficiency, capacity and coherence to govern with mechanisms that demonstrate decisional capacity that consolidates democratic life.
Geert Roovers, Michael Duijn
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 1-11; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111001

Subsoil interventions in the Netherlands, such as gas and oil extraction, thermal energy extraction or CO2-storage, cause tensions. Planning leads to local resistance, debate and often delay or cancelling of initiatives. The central characteristics of this planning are the main cause. As the transition to sustainable energy asks for more interventions in the subsoil, these tensions get problematic, and hinder the transition. In this article, we investigate this problematic nature of central public planning of subsoil interventions in the Netherlands. We do this by using a network management perspective and local acceptance theory and researching two cases. We conclude that a more prominent role of local actors, using localism and soft power, is crucial. With this article, we want to contribute to national and international discussions about the planning and governance of subsoil initiatives and strengthening of local involvement in these.
Rizwan Rafi Togoo, Farah Hanim Binti Mohamed Ismail
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 12-20; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111002

This research has discussed the background and factors that caused the Rohingya humanitarian crisis, which forced tens of thousands of Rohingya men, women, and children to flee oppression in the Rakhine state. The information gathered from the personal interviews conducted for research purposes gave us a brief historical background of the conflict. This study employed a qualitative method of research. It aims to analyze the difficulties the Rohingya refugees face by taking the individual stories of human beings. We also analyze the civil society’s steps, the government of Malaysia, and other organizations, both governmental and non-governmental, to assist the Rohingya refugees in tackling these issues. The study recommends that the Malaysian government should make efforts to provide education, financial support, and jobs to Rohingya refugees, giving them the right to live a better life.
Aigul Musaeva, Salmorbekova Rita, Kunduzkhan Karimova, Zhypargul Abdullaeva
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 123-133; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111008

In this article, the authors consider qualimetric assessment of public services as one of parameters for social policy effectiveness in Kyrgyzstan. The relevance in this work is based on analysis of the received information materials, improving the mechanisms of activity and modernizing the assessment of the efficiency index of local self-government to provide a new approach to measuring the analysis and improve social policy in the provision of public services, which can subsequently provide support in solving social, political and economic problems. In the government municipal service, the qualimerty method is not used for assessment of the population satisfaction in providing the governmental services; therefore, provision of standardization is considered as new approach.
Lucía Pittaluga, Atilio Deana
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 21-33; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111003

During the COVID-19 pandemic, different countries are showing strengths and weaknesses of both healthcare systems and technology access. Until now in Uruguay, COVID-19 has been very much under control. Evidence-based policies, a strong public health care system, and scientific innovations are believed to be the main factors of success. Uruguayan evidence-based policies consider several inputs, including scientific, medical-epidemiological, economic, and educational aspects. A Scientific Advisory Group regularly makes specific recommendations on health and data science to a team composed of high caliber figures in the government. This team evaluates and submits the reports and suggestions to the President of the Republic, for making final decisions concerning different responses to the pandemic and the economic reactivation. Designing and implementing such evidence-based policies require a vigorous scientific community and a government that gives importance to scientific and technical assessments, and an effective knowledge on brokering mechanisms.
Okoye Blossom Chisom
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 34-53; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111004

It is stated that both under the constitution of Nigeria and under the African Charter on Human People’s Rights, persons in any part of Nigeria have the fundamental human right to privately and publicly freely express their disproval or objection over an issue through a protest any time or day. In history, protests have often inspired positive social change and improved protection of human rights, and they continue to help define and protect civic space in all parts of the world. In a democratic Nation like Nigeria, Protests encourage the development of an engaged and informed citizenry and strengthen representative democracy by enabling direct participation in public affairs. They enable individuals and groups to express dissent and grievances, to share views and opinions, to expose flaws in governance and to publicly demand that the authorities and other powerful entities solve problems and are accountable for their actions as seen in the case of the Nigeria Youths protest on police brutality. Yet governments around the world too often treat protests as either an inconvenience to be controlled or a threat to be extinguished. In a democratic Nation, the right to freedom of expression which could come through peaceful protests, involves the exercise of numerous fundamental human rights, and it is essential for securing all human rights, which the citizens should not be denied off by any person in power.
J. P. Wakhungu, G. P. Okoth, E. O. S. Odhiambo
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 134-154; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111009

Regionalism and regional institutions are increasingly being challenged and conditioned by the sovereignty-modifying effects of globalisation and humanitarian intervention. Regionalism is facing pressure to become less sovereignty-bound in the sense of going against the norms of non-interference and non-intervention that underpin the Westphalia international system. The study evaluates the challenges and opportunities that constrain and enhance Kenya and Tanzania participation in the EAC econo-political integration process. Three theories, Two-Good theory, Neoclassical Realism and Neo-functionalism theories, were adopted to guide the study. Descriptive research design was used. Respondents were both from Kenya and Tanzania and they comprised cross border business community, government officials in Ministries of EAC and Foreign Affairs, and EAC organs—the Secretariat and Legislative Assembly which were purposively sampled. Both primary and secondary sources data was used while instruments of data collection were: questionnaires, interviews and focus group discussions guides. Findings revealed that challenges that constrain Kenya’s and Tanzania’s participation in the EAC integration emanate from structural, legal and administrative weaknesses and commissions or omissions. The fact that the issue of manifestation of non-tariff barriers disguised as administrative and technical policies is baneful and inimical. Additionally, import substitution strategy and the incongruity in taxation policies are some of the challenges that constrain Kenya’s and Tanzania’s participation in the EAC econo-political integration. The study therefore recommends that the citizens should be at the centre of the EAC integration process through structured stakeholders’ engagement where their input and participation are affirmed. Similarly, taxation of cross border business community should be reviewed and taxes should be harmonised to provide a level playing field in order to address their perennial complaints.
Yurdagül Atun, Ata Atun
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 204-212; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102014

Since December 21, 1963, after the planned armed attacks of Greek Cypriots to Turkish Cypriots, where both communities are the locals of Cyprus, the political situation in the island was always strained and time to time broken off. The political negotiations between the two communities aiming to find a sustainable solution to the Cyprus problem started in 1968 and still going on. The main dispute between the two communities is originating from the disagreement on the governance of the island. There is another problem in the island that concerns both communities deeply, based on the natural causes, the scarcity of water in drinking quality for humans, animals and agriculture. The water from Anatolia to Cyprus will overcome the millenniums long draught, scarcity of water and depressed agriculture and stock breeding in the island, together with a long-lasting solution based on equal partnership, causing to end the dispute between Turkish and Greek communities of the island. The water supply Project by pipes from Anatolia to the island of Cyprus 250 m. Below sea level through Mediterranean Sea is named “Peace Water” by the Republic of Turkey and TRNC governments. The political effects of the “Peace Water” are quite negative on the Greek side, believing that the water supply from Anatolia with strengthening the hands of the Turkish Cypriots on the negotiation table, and at the same time will cause Greek side to lose a considerable amount of political superiority. While the water from Anatolia gave a further push and zest for living and existing, to the human life, agriculture and stock breeding, it also will contribute to the promotion to the demands for existing of all kinds of plants, animals, insects and living creatures. This water project, connecting the island of Cyprus to Anatolia may also connect Israel to Anatolia through Cyprus and definitely will give birth to some strategic and geopolitics issues in the eastern Mediterranean region.
Denis Adesina Daniel, David Uchena Enweremadu
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 213-233; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102015

In 2010, Cote d’Ivoire witnessed a very devastating and unprecedented post- election conflict. The conflict resulted in both internal and external impact that over the years continue to affect the pace of development in the nation. This study aimed to investigate the causes and main drivers of the post-ele- ctoral crisis in Cote d’Ivoire in 2010. The study used expository research design adopting in-depth interviews to collect primary data and contextual approach to extract data from briefings from the crisis; UN, EU and international election observation reports and published information in press materials and peer-reviewed journals. The interviews were conducted through cluster sampling method with Election observers, ECOWAS Representation in Cote d’Ivoire, Staff of Abidjan Political Research Center “Centre de Recherche Politique d’Abidjan (CRPA)”, National and International Civil Society, Political Experts, Conflict Experts, Political Scientists and Lecturers in the field. Structural descriptive and expository methods were used to analyse and present findings based on the Marxist and Liberal Structural theories of conflict. The study found out that the 2010 electoral conflict was caused by political flaws due to unclear policies and weak electoral institutions that allowed political interruption and manipulation. Furthermore, national identity was the main driver used by political actors to instrumentalize the conflict to make it seem like a civil war. Illiteracy, tribalism and religion were sensitive areas used to break social cohesion under the big umbrella of national identity. The concept of citizenship should be re-conceptualized and made clear in the constitution to prevent re-occurrence of post-election conflict in the coming years like 2020.
Mongi Belarem, Belarem Mongi
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 27-40; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.101003

In Tunisia, and after the 2011 revolution, the electoral potential increased between 2011, 2014, 2017, 2018 and 2019. Similarly, the structure of this potential, by age and sex, has evolved during these different periods. During the 2019 presidential and legislative elections, 6,620,983 people were registered to vote within Tunisia ( The structure of this electoral potential deserves to be mapped and analysed on different scales. In this study and using the Hyperatlas software, we have mapped and analyzed the Tunisian electoral potential for 2019, by sex and age group. HyperAtlas is a means of multiscale analysis. It is a “tool for measuring and mapping territorial inequalities” (Ysebaert et al., 2011). After the creation of the registration database for elections, we were able to visualize and analyse the inequalities in distribution and structures between the three regions (North, Central and South), the six sub-regions (NE, NO, CE, CO, SE and SO), the 24 governorates of the territory and the 275 delegations of the country, on the one hand, and between the different units on the other hand.
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