Nation State: Journal of International Studies

Journal Information
ISSN / EISSN : 2620-391X / 2621-735X
Published by: STMIK AMIKOM Yogyakarta (10.24076)
Total articles ≅ 42
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Latest articles in this journal

Valery Ilhamna Putri
Nation State: Journal of International Studies, Volume 4, pp 73-92; doi:10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.499

Abstract:
This article is intended to analyze the reason behind the shipment of Main Battle Tank (MBT) Leopard by Germany to Indonesia from the year of 2012 until year 2017. Arms transfer is used with the purpose to increase wealth, power and to produce innovation in production of military power of a state. Arms transfer is an essential part from international security structure because it can influence a shift in local and regional power. This article argued that there are three power dimensions along with the intended influence in arms transfer pursued by supplier country. The intended power dimensions are bargaining power, structural power, and hegemonic power. At the end of the article, it is concluded that three power dimensions stated above complete and relate to each other to fulfill the supplier country's interest.
Rima Abdul Mujib Nagib, Syaiful Anam
Nation State: Journal of International Studies, Volume 4, pp 51-72; doi:10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.517

Abstract:
The rise of Islamic extremism has prompted global Islamophobia and general hatred for Muslims, which is felt towards both the religion itself and ethno-religious groups such as the one present in China. The spread and acts of Islamic extremism in China might surprise the global community but the concerning level of threat on the issue affected domestic security policies. In explaining the case study, the qualitative research uses a combination of descriptive and explanatory approaches while simultaneously merging the three constructivist theory approaches from notable scholars such as Alexander Wendt, Martha Finnemore and Peter Katzenstein. The research concludes that while there may be variations of methods to combat Islamic extremism, the implementation of political re-education camp for the Uyghurs seems to be the best and most effective method in both de-extremizing the minority group from potential Islamic extremist ideology and enforcing the Chinese government’s interests. Justifications of the choice include the constructivist aspects of the international norms, repetition of historical and existing trajectories as well as the successful rate of cleansing troubled and infected people from negative ideologies based on the Chinese societal norms.
Nanda Blestri Jasuma, Arie Kusuma Paksi
Nation State: Journal of International Studies, Volume 4, pp 35-50; doi:10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.513

Abstract:
One of China’s great projects in the current digital era, namely the Digital Silk Road (DSR) project, merits an examination from a Gramscian lens. While liberals are talking about how this project can beneficially the partner’s country, Gramsci’s thought can provide the other perspective in understanding how this project can give unexpected costs for the partner country. As the biggest market in Southeast Asia’s country, Indonesia is worth the attention related to this issue as this country has become one of the strategic partners of China’s DSR. However, DSR is offering both economic benefits and multi-faceted costs simultaneously for Indonesia. Hence, this study argues that the DSR project, in Gramsci lens, is giving a push for China to spread its hegemony and take over the domination in the Indonesian economy. This study is supported by the qualitative research method with the data is collected through secondary data and literature review.
Mahbi Maulaya
Nation State: Journal of International Studies, Volume 3, pp 169-194; doi:10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.331

Abstract:
A prolonged debate arises whether bilateralism or multilateralism is the most effective path to achieve mutual consensus among parties in the South China Sea dispute. This study identifies bilateral approach negativity to settle such a complex and overlapping dispute existed in that area grounded by two considerations. First, bilateralism is a non-transparent scheme of bargaining process. Due to bilateral implementation only conducted by two states, the more powerful actor will escape from the scrutiny of others, thus making it possesses the opportunity to put forward discriminatory bid and robust sphere to suppress other party’s stance. The bilateral approach would result in a non-consensus agreement for less powerful parties. Second, the conflictual area draws the involvement of more than three sovereign parties with overlapping claims. Multilateralism, negotiation framework for multi-parties, is the most, perhaps the only, promising path to ease the existing tension numerous parties into the stage of consensus. Moreover, multilateralism may present positive norms – transparency and non-unilateralism – that could guide the involving parties to create consensus. The analysis of this paper obtained from utilization of qualitative data, library research methods, and by the comprehension of three conceptual frameworks, bilateralism, multilateralism, and consensus.
Hidayat Chusnul Chotimah, Puguh Toko Arisanto, Tiffany Setyo Pratiwi
Nation State: Journal of International Studies, Volume 3, pp 98-112; doi:10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.228

Abstract:
To reduce greenhouse gas emissions, in 2013 Indonesia and Japan agreed to establish bilateral cooperation in Joint Crediting Mechanism (JCM). JCM facilitated and encouraged Japanese institutions (private and state) to cooperate with Indonesian institutions in a form of investment in low-carbon development. This article seeks to analyze the effectiveness of JCM implementation between Indonesia and Japan by using international cooperation effectiveness approach to determine the legal form whether soft law or hard law. The results show that both Indonesia and Japan choose to use soft law in this negotiation which has several benefits. Soft law provides an opportunity for both countries to achieve their goals and it can be used as a tool for negotiation and compromise. This article will also analyze the level of compliance between the two countries through coercion, reciprocity, reputation, and domestic institutions approaches. Authors found that there is no coercion in the form of sanction in implementing JCM; there is a reciprocity allowing JCM to provide financial assistance, transfer of technology and human resource; Indonesia and Japan keep their promises to uphold their international commitments; and domestic institutions play a role in promoting compliance in the low carbon growth partnership between the two countries.
Skolastika Genapang Maing
Nation State: Journal of International Studies, Volume 3, pp 207-228; doi:10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.203

Abstract:
Australia as one of the countries that signed the Convention of Refugee 1951 has an obligation to apply principle of non-refoulement in the handling of refugees and asylum seekers entering its territory. However, the issue of national security and domestic turmoil caused Australia to continue use restrictive policies in dealing with refugees and asylum seekers, especially those who came by the sea (boat people) and did not have official documents. They are called Illegal Maritime Arrivals (IMA). Giving the term “illegal” causes no distinction between IMA and smuggling/trafficking criminals. This paper aims to explain the existence of dilemma in the management of refugees especially in Australia in handling IMA. This research uses qualitative methods with secondary data sources from books, journals, articles and other sources related to the problem being studied. By using the concept of securitization approach in the paradigm of constructivism, this paper argue that the restrictive policies adopted by Australia as a form of protection of national interests. Australia experiences a dilemma in applying the principle of non-refoulement and protecting its national interests. This is challenge in the management of global refugees.
Komang Audina Permana Putri
Nation State: Journal of International Studies, Volume 3, pp 113-128; doi:10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.335

Abstract:
Forestry has played an important role in Indonesia's economic development. Forestry and related products contribute approximately 3.5 per cent to Indonesia’s GDP and contribute to the livelihoods of 15 million Indonesian people. Major importer countries of Indonesian wood products comprise to several countries including European Union (EU). However, Indonesia export on wood product activities has significant challenge on the legality of forestry and related products. Illegal logging issues in Indonesia have become Indonesia’s major historical problem around the forestry industries. This is related to the issues that most of the wood products produced by the Indonesian timber industry are derived from illegal timber so that buyers from European Union countries are forced to reject the import of these wood products. Thus, the purpose of this article is to analyze Indonesian government strategy to obtain woods market in EU. Following by the issues, Indonesia need to reform the certification system and also the policy reforms to adjust the EU standard regulation. That is why Indonesian government began to cooperate with the European Union through the FLEGT-VPA program.
Artha Yudilla, Pahmi Amri
Nation State: Journal of International Studies, Volume 3, pp 229-239; doi:10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.360

Abstract:
Geostrategic and geopolitical positions provide opportunities for Indonesia not only as a global economic path but also an international marine security pathway. Maritime wealth is also a force in Indonesia's maritime diplomacy in the International realm. This is then the basis of the formulated mega project policy to make Indonesia a global maritime axis. But the problem is that so far the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy does not yet have a detailed blueprint for policy implementation in the national state and only focuses on macro discussions in the form of international cooperation discourse that has also not seen significant progress. . This research will try to analyze how the Global Maritime Axis policy is implemented. What are strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats. at the micro level. To be more specific, this research will take a case study in Riau islands which is one of the most strategic maritime areas in Indonesia located in the strait of Malacca. By analyzing how this policy is rationed directly in the micro realm can be a record for governments in formulating better policies in the future.
Mala Mardialina, Ahmad Mubarak Munir
Nation State: Journal of International Studies, Volume 3, pp 84-97; doi:10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.362

Abstract:
Indonesia-Nigeria cooperation resumed since President Gus Dur made an official visit to Nigeria in 2000. Indonesia relations became increasingly constructive by creating several trade agreements with the Nigerian government and formulating Indonesia-Africa Forum (IAF) is a real constructive strategy in focusing on Indonesia’s Foreign Policy toward the Africa region. There are more than 15 Indonesian companies operating in Nigeria and Nigeria was Indonesia's largest trade partner in Africa with a total volume of trade at USD 1.5 billion in 2019. In the oil sector, Indonesia has a trade deficit with Nigeria but not in the non-oil sector, Nigeria became the entry point for Indonesian products to other African regions. This research is qualitative research using a political cooperation concept as an analytical tool by looking at the dynamics of the Indonesia-Nigeria relationship in the framework of strategic cooperation. The data is gained from a focused review of relevant theories, literature, and previous research findings of the discussed topic. Besides, the data were taken from books, journals, reports, and websites.
Dewi Masitoh, Firdha Ayu Pramesti
Nation State: Journal of International Studies, Volume 3, pp 240-257; doi:10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.241

Abstract:
Gender inequality in Pakistan has been going for a long time from year to year. This can be evidenced by the results of a report from The Global Gender Gap Index in 2018 that was released by the World Economic Forum (WEF), Pakistan was the second worst country in the world in terms of gender equality, especially for the treatment of women, which ranks 148th out of 149 country. The aims of research are women’s participation is needed in a country by guaranteeing their freedom and welfare of state. If the lack of women's participation will be one of the roots of socio-economic and demographic problems that have been experienced by Pakistan until today. This research will use qualitative research methods, that emphasize the observation and understanding of a social phenomenon, where data is collected through secondary data and literature review. This research will use two theoretical frameworks, they are: Feminism and Human Rights. The main finding of the research was found in detail about how the problem of gender inequality in Pakistan; the reasons of gender inequality has been going on for a long time; and how about the conflict resolving from Pakistan Government based on International Law.
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