ISSN / EISSN : 2622-6952 / 2656-8721
Published by: University of Trunojoyo Madura (10.21107)
Total articles ≅ 64
Latest articles in this journal
Simulacra, Volume 4, pp 29-42; doi:10.21107/sml.v4i1.9852
This article aims to analyze the emergence of challengers of mobilization in the case of a movement against the redevelopment plan of Rumah Susun Klender in East Jakarta using a field theory approach. Mobilization issues around housing in Indonesia are not new, but it is still dominated by evictions issues. Therefore, the Rumah Susun Klender case can be considered unique. Using the case study method, data were obtained through several observation techniques, such as document study and indepth interviews with 10 informants. The results of the analysis reveal that the transformation of people resistance into the emergence of Paguyuban Tandingan (rival organization) as challenger of mobilization is not merely caused by redevelopment plans. Indeed, it was generated by an initial contention (internal dynamics) that occurred between the residents and the Association of Apartment Owners and Occupants (P3SRS). The residents who are anti-redevelopment was consolidated by, and joined with, the rival organization to take over P3SRS’ authority as a governance unit to achieve one goal: cancelling the redevelopment plan.
Simulacra, Volume 4, pp 87-99; doi:10.21107/sml.v4i1.10391
During the Indonesian reformation era, Madurese politics began to see a notable increase in women participation. One indicator is the increasing number of female village chiefs, locally referred to as Klebun, who occupies the highest leadership position within Madurese villages. An in-depth interview with two female Klebuns and three informants revealed that female Klebun in Madura represents women and extended kinship interests in continuing dynastic politics. The female Klebun experienced a subaltern form of relationship with the largely patriarchal system they find themselves in, marked by coercion, threats, pressure and lack of freedom in their candidacy and village leadership. The lack of any communicated objections from the female population over these repressive actions is due to the strong dominance of patriarchal culture in Madurese society. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach. The primary data used are the results of interviews with five informants. Secondary data used consist of relevant scientific journals, articles, and books. This research is conducted under the framework of postcolonial feminism.
Simulacra, Volume 4, pp 101-114; doi:10.21107/sml.v4i1.10520
Failure to conduct violence-free elections in Nigeria has frequently reflected in the writings of local and foreign election observers and monitoring groups. Previous studies have devoted much attention to the consequences of electoral violence on sustenance and consolidation of democracy but less attention has been paid to the role political party elite play in this violence. This study examined the role of political party elite in election-related violence in Nigeria, 2011-2019. It equally assessed its nexus and implications for democracy and governance. The study utilized documentary research method using qualitative documentary analysis to analyze the data obtained from secondary sources following four-step approach. Findings revealed that political party elite exerted greater influence on politically-sponsored thugs, who were utilized to perpetrate election-related violence due to zerosum game, winners-takes-all syndrome, and non-punishment of electoral offenders with far-reaching implications for popular participation, free, fair and credible election, party politics, leadership legitimacy and stable polity. The study submitted that curbing party elite-sponsored electoral violence requires that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the National Assembly wake up to their responsibility of ensuring strict enforcement of laws for electoral offences as this would deter both sponsors and perpetrators from engaging in violence during election.
Simulacra, Volume 4, pp 57-70; doi:10.21107/sml.v4i1.9927
Pagsasanto or the beliefs and practices associated with the caretaking of religious images is a Catholic devotion brought by the Spanish colonization in the Philippines. The history of pagsasanto illuminates a religious tradition exclusively performed by old-rich women (camareras) and prominent political families. At present, the changing gender roles in pagsasanto through the growing participation of gay caretakers of religious images (camareros) has redefined the practice. This shift prompted the researchers to investigate how gender mediates a devotional practice and how gender is constructed, negotiated, and performed through pagsasanto. Using ethnography, the researchers did participant observation to examine the meanings and practices associated with pagsasanto activities such as decorating the image and its carriage as well as joining the procession. To facilitate further analysis, interviews and focus group discussions were undertaken among four gay informants, highlighting their life histories as image caretakers. Data were categorized through themes and analysed from a critical cultural perspective. The research found that gender mediates pagsasanto and vice versa. The becoming of a gay camarero is rooted in cultural practice and familial Catholic tradition. The changing meanings of pagsasanto arecontingent on gender performativity, market, social media and the growingcommunity networks.
Simulacra, Volume 4, pp 1-13; doi:10.21107/sml.v4i1.8715
This article examines the representation of Indonesian young female Muslims in Asma Nadia’s works. While previous studies have drawn dynamic transition in real life, this study provides an alternative narrative of being a young female Muslim in Islamic fiction in the context of simultaneous contemporary development in Indonesia with the raising of public piety. This study employed textual analysis method by making categories based on specific themes and understanding each conversation, storyline, and setting of Nadia’s three works, namely “Assalamualaikum Beijing” (“May Peace Be With You, Beijing”), “Jilbab Traveller: Love Sparks in Korea,” and “OTW Nikah” (“On The Way to Marriage”). The author concludes that Asma Nadia places moral anxiety and faith primacy as a frame young female Muslims experience. Moral anxiety reflects a dilemma of the proper way and advantageous outcome to achieve a successful transition. Faith primacy describes a set of spirits for connecting Islamic values and virtuous roles in each life stage. Furthermore, like many popular cultures containing the ideology of contestation, Asma Nadia’s works also provide a discourse about an ideal image that potentially influences and forms the imagination of readers.
Simulacra, Volume 4, pp 71-86; doi:10.21107/sml.v4i1.10002
This article explored how the Indonesian organic food community builds its identity as both consumers and environmentalists, which is often thought to be a paradox. Some researchers argue that combining consumption and environmental preservation under green consumption is a challenge and an oxymoron. Nevertheless, the organic food community is still able to build their identities. The author argued that organic communities have transformed into space to empower and shape those identities using conventional and new media as part of green political consumerism. To understand this issue, the author used qualitative research by collecting the communities’ official documents, webpage, and social media accounts’ posts. The author also interviewed the founders of two communities, Komunitas Organik Indonesia (KOI/ Indonesian Organic Community) and Lingkar Organik (LO/ Organic Circle), a KOI member. The author did participatory observation in one of KOI’s WhatsApp Groups for their members. Then, the author triangulated the data and analyzed it. The results revealed that communities maintain and transform their green value into identities and real action by conditioning their members with community structures, activities, and access to organic food either through online or offline services. Therefore, having both identities is not a paradox.
Simulacra, Volume 4, pp 43-56; doi:10.21107/sml.v4i1.9880
This paper examines the monastic administration in Thai Buddhism, which is ruled by the senior monks and supported by the government. It aims to answer two questions; (1) why the Sangha’s administration has been designed to serve the bureaucratic system that monks abandon social and political justices, and (2) how the monastic education curriculum are designed to support such a conservative system. Ethnographic methodology was conducted and collected data were analyzed through the concept of gerontocracy. It found that (1) Thai Buddhism gains supports from the government much more than other religions. Parallel with the state’s bureaucratic system, the hierarchical conservative council contains the elderly monks. Those committee members choose to respond to the government policy in order to maintain supports rather than to raise social issues; (2) gerontocracy is also facilitated by the idea of Theravada itself. In both theory and practice, the charismatic leader should be the old one, implying the condition of being less sexual feeling, hatred, and ignorance. Based on this criterion, the moral leader is more desirable than the intelligent. The concept of “merits from previous lives” is reinterpreted and reproduced to pave the way for the non-democratic system.
Simulacra, Volume 4, pp 15-28; doi:10.21107/sml.v4i1.9520
This article provides an overview of how agricultural development and structural changes affects women in Southeast Asia. By employing critical literature review, it enumerates how global agriculture can be characterized as under a modern capitalist system of production by looking at trends on labor and distress migration, scientific and technological innovations (STIs), and intensification of non-traditional agricultural exports (NTAEs). Following this, it makes a case for Southeast Asia’s ASEAN4 (Philippines, Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia) explaining how the conditions of women farmers should be explored further, not just in a developmental lens but in sociology of gender and family approaches. The article then discusses regional works about masculinization and feminization, engendered resistance, agency and multiplicity of identities, and intra-household relations. Towards the conclusion, it emphasizes points on challenging the terms “farmer” and “feminization,” reconsidering regional contexts, examining the family’s intra-household relationship, scrutinizing the position of the local state, and ways to move forward.
Simulacra, Volume 4, pp 115-129; doi:10.21107/sml.v4i1.10543
When radicalization and religious extremism is predominantly perceived through the prism of ‘9/11’ and/or ‘Post-Soviet Muslim radicalization’, there is a danger of oversimplifying the phenomenon of extremism for majoritarian Muslim societies like Bangladesh. To understand the dynamics of religious radicalization, it is imperative to devise a political genealogy and identify both micro and macro level political drivers of radicalization by addressing the political histories, catalysts, and risk factors related to religious extremism. Considering the paucity of research on this particular area, this paper sets out to understand and address the political drivers that facilitate the process of radicalization leading to religious extremism in Bangladesh. Adopting qualitative approach, this paper has conducted content analysis of pertinent secondary sources based on predetermined sets of categories for analysis. The results indicate that explicit support by the military rulers for Islamic orthodoxy, culture of political opportunism in democratic regimes and weak governance are some of the major political drivers of radicalization and religious extremism in the country. At a regional and global level, insurgency and separatist movements in neighborhood countries, global political environment of confrontation between the West and the Muslim World and the identity politics altogether fostered radicalization leading to religious extremism in Bangladesh.
Simulacra, Volume 3, pp 209-222; doi:10.21107/sml.v3i2.7977
This study seeks to explore the fashion styles of Indonesian actors on Instagram from Foucault’s perspective. Appearance is a demand that is not only aimed at women but also for men. Appearance is an important part, especially for men, so that also increases the metrosexual side. The enhancement of men’s appearance in clothing has increased metrosexuality. The metrosexual side has been viewed by society as indicating the waning masculine side of a man. Thus, some people believe that metrosexual men lose their identity entirely because excessive attention to appearance is associated with women identity. The method used in this study was the Krippendorff content analysis carried out on Joe Taslim’s Instagram account Instagram posts from October 2019 to February 2020. Joe Taslim, known as an Indonesian action actor, is a figure with a masculine appearance chosen in this study to represent a masculine men figure but still looks metrosexual. The results of this study indicate that Joe Taslim’s Instagram is used as a medium in creating fantasies about the men body metrosexual, which is run by the capitalist industry to create a masculine impression.