aboriginal policy studies
EISSN : 19233299
Current Publisher: Aboriginal Policy Studies (10.5663)
Total articles ≅ 115
Latest articles in this journal
aboriginal policy studies, Volume 8; doi:10.5663/aps.v8i1.29333
Abstract:Despite Canada’s international reputation as a world leader in women’s rights, its own policies and practices continue to target and discriminate against Indigenous women, particularly those who are entangled within the criminal (in)justice and child welfare systems (Monchalin 2016). This article synthesizes international research, with a primary focus on Canada, in order to theorize issues surrounding Indigenous women’s experiences of carceral motherhood. By drawing on critical feminist criminological and Indigenous feminist perspectives, I examine issues related to caretaking and incarceration, mothering from prison (visitations), mothering in prison (mother-child programs), and mothering after prison (parole). Despite rejecting the prison as a solution to “the crime problem,” I conclude by offering tentative recommendations on how to ameliorate Indigenous women’s experiences of carceral motherhood.
aboriginal policy studies, Volume 8; doi:10.5663/aps.v8i1.29363
aboriginal policy studies, Volume 8; doi:10.5663/aps.v8i1.29361
aboriginal policy studies, Volume 8; doi:10.5663/aps.v8i1.29339
Abstract:This study demonstrated income assistance (IA) receipt among Aboriginal people living off-reserve using data from the 2012 Aboriginal Peoples Survey (APS), a national survey of First Nations people living off reserve, Métis, and Inuit. In 2011, 12% of Aboriginal people living off-reserve received IA. It focused on socio-demographic, labour market and health characteristics found in different types of IA receipt. For almost half of the Aboriginal IA receivers, IA was their only source of income; it was the main (but not sole) source of income for 27%; and for the remaining 28%, IA was a secondary source of income. The receipt of IA was associated with socio-demographic characteristics such as never having been married; female; younger; less than high school levels of education; and living in lone-parent households. About 20% of IA recipients were employed in 2011. Compared with other Aboriginal workers not receiving IA, they were more likely to have a job with short tenure; to be part-time workers or temporary workers; and to work in the sector of sales and services. Compared to non-recipients, recipients of IA also reported significantly poorer mental and physical health conditions. The associations between health status and IA remained significant after controlling for other demographic factors. These results have important implications for policy makers and other stakeholders interested in IA for Aboriginal people. The complexity of employment, health, and other risk factors of IA need to be considered in further understanding these issues.
aboriginal policy studies, Volume 8; doi:10.5663/aps.v8i1.29362
aboriginal policy studies, Volume 8; doi:10.5663/aps.v8i1.29341
Abstract:To explore how the threat of prejudice can interfere with a learner’s ability beliefs, expectancies of success and subjective task value 165 Métis post-secondary students were asked to consider themselves applying for a job with a non-Indigenous employer. Participants were grouped into high and low Métis identifiers and then placed into one of three groups: (1) Employer-prejudiced, (2) Employer non-prejudiced, and (3) Employer’s attitudes about Indigenous peoples unknown. A 2x3 Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) was used to examine the relationship between Métis identity (high/low) and five concepts: (1) expectations about being hired, (2) value placed on being hired, (3) learners’ beliefs about the mock employer’s integrity, (4) the extent to which learner’s held negative over-generalized negative beliefs about non-Indigenous people, and (5) actual task performance. Although there were no interaction effects a number of main effects are reported. While students with a stronger sense of Métis identity reported more overall optimism about being hired that those learners with a weaker sense of Métis identity, they nevertheless reported less motivation to perform an assigned task to the best of their respective abilities. Students in the prejudiced condition reported lower expectations about being hired and less motivation to perform the assigned task to the best of their ability. Students in the prejudiced condition also reported stronger negative generalized beliefs about both the mock employer and non-Indigenous people in general. Although the students in the prejudiced condition reported less motivation to exert high effort on the assigned task, their actual performance on the task was not related to whether or not the hypothetical employer was described as prejudiced, non-prejudiced, or neither about Indigenous peoples. Future studies should explore how one’s sense of Métis identity and other minority group identity can influence reactions to a threatening academic environment and suppress academic motivation.
aboriginal policy studies, Volume 7; doi:10.5663/aps.v7i2.29356
aboriginal policy studies, Volume 7; doi:10.5663/aps.v7i2.29353
aboriginal policy studies, Volume 7; doi:10.5663/aps.v7i2.29340
Abstract:Since their official inception in the mid 1800s, Indigenous-aimed welfare policies in Canada have presupposed and entailed a racialized subject: the “lazy Indian.” This paper highlights continuities in how Indigenous subjects have been constructed in welfare policy discourse from 1867 to the present. Building from this historical overview, we analyze how today’s neoliberally inflected federal welfare regime at once recodes and reinscribes preexisting ethical narratives of “productive” and “unproductive” citizens, effectively casting Indigenous peoples as non-workers and thus “undeserving” of welfare relief. As our analysis indicates, further reform of welfare policies for Canada’s First Nations must first puncture the persistent myth of the “lazy Indian” in order to attend to the lasting legacy of colonial governance, contemporary barriers to self-sufficiency, and ongoing struggles for politico-economic sovereignty.
aboriginal policy studies, Volume 7; doi:10.5663/aps.v7i2.29334
Abstract:In this study, we employ Bacchi’s (2012) “What’s the Problem Represented to be” approach to guide our discourse analysis of federal Indigenous sport for development (SFD) policies in Canada and Australia. Through a review of government policies and reports, we highlight the often-divergent policy directives set out by federal departments in these two countries. Namely, inter-departmental partnerships in areas such as health, education, and justice fail to be adequately facilitated through SFD policies in Canada, while, conversely, Australia has strived towards greater federal partnership building. Within the identified Canadian and Australian policies, both countries consistently produced sport as having the potential to contribute to Indigenous peoples’ social and economic development, thus highlighting the growing institutional support behind Indigenous SFD. This policy analysis research provides a novel contribution to the overall growing body of literature investigating the politics of partnership building in SFD initiatives.