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J. P. Wakhungu, G. P. Okoth, E. O. S. Odhiambo
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 134-154; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111009

Regionalism and regional institutions are increasingly being challenged and conditioned by the sovereignty-modifying effects of globalisation and humanitarian intervention. Regionalism is facing pressure to become less sovereignty-bound in the sense of going against the norms of non-interference and non-intervention that underpin the Westphalia international system. The study evaluates the challenges and opportunities that constrain and enhance Kenya and Tanzania participation in the EAC econo-political integration process. Three theories, Two-Good theory, Neoclassical Realism and Neo-functionalism theories, were adopted to guide the study. Descriptive research design was used. Respondents were both from Kenya and Tanzania and they comprised cross border business community, government officials in Ministries of EAC and Foreign Affairs, and EAC organs—the Secretariat and Legislative Assembly which were purposively sampled. Both primary and secondary sources data was used while instruments of data collection were: questionnaires, interviews and focus group discussions guides. Findings revealed that challenges that constrain Kenya’s and Tanzania’s participation in the EAC integration emanate from structural, legal and administrative weaknesses and commissions or omissions. The fact that the issue of manifestation of non-tariff barriers disguised as administrative and technical policies is baneful and inimical. Additionally, import substitution strategy and the incongruity in taxation policies are some of the challenges that constrain Kenya’s and Tanzania’s participation in the EAC econo-political integration. The study therefore recommends that the citizens should be at the centre of the EAC integration process through structured stakeholders’ engagement where their input and participation are affirmed. Similarly, taxation of cross border business community should be reviewed and taxes should be harmonised to provide a level playing field in order to address their perennial complaints.
Nathan J. Edwards, Brian Colder, Jon Sullivan, Laura Naramore
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 176-191; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111012

Airborne contaminants from viral pathogens, biological weapons, wildfires, industrial accidents, and other sources present a complex policy and technology challenge for the public sector health and safety. During the global pandemic that began in early 2020, indoor air quality has become a focal point for companies and communities who seek affordable, technically sound processes to evaluate and mitigate threats to air quality in their work environments. This paper provides an overview of methods derived from observations of more than 190 scientific experiments to evaluate indoor air quality effects from wearing face masks and in public transportation vehicles. The methods can be adapted for locally administered indoor air quality programs, including high-risk environments such as nursing homes, schools, office areas, and public transportation. The approach follows an Occupational Health and Safety Administration (OSHA) hazards-control process and includes surveys, analysis and decisions based on science and mitigation selection, as well as a detailed description of implementing reduced-cost field testing.
Lucía Pittaluga, Atilio Deana
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 21-33; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111003

During the COVID-19 pandemic, different countries are showing strengths and weaknesses of both healthcare systems and technology access. Until now in Uruguay, COVID-19 has been very much under control. Evidence-based policies, a strong public health care system, and scientific innovations are believed to be the main factors of success. Uruguayan evidence-based policies consider several inputs, including scientific, medical-epidemiological, economic, and educational aspects. A Scientific Advisory Group regularly makes specific recommendations on health and data science to a team composed of high caliber figures in the government. This team evaluates and submits the reports and suggestions to the President of the Republic, for making final decisions concerning different responses to the pandemic and the economic reactivation. Designing and implementing such evidence-based policies require a vigorous scientific community and a government that gives importance to scientific and technical assessments, and an effective knowledge on brokering mechanisms.
Okoye Blossom Chisom
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 34-53; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111004

It is stated that both under the constitution of Nigeria and under the African Charter on Human People’s Rights, persons in any part of Nigeria have the fundamental human right to privately and publicly freely express their disproval or objection over an issue through a protest any time or day. In history, protests have often inspired positive social change and improved protection of human rights, and they continue to help define and protect civic space in all parts of the world. In a democratic Nation like Nigeria, Protests encourage the development of an engaged and informed citizenry and strengthen representative democracy by enabling direct participation in public affairs. They enable individuals and groups to express dissent and grievances, to share views and opinions, to expose flaws in governance and to publicly demand that the authorities and other powerful entities solve problems and are accountable for their actions as seen in the case of the Nigeria Youths protest on police brutality. Yet governments around the world too often treat protests as either an inconvenience to be controlled or a threat to be extinguished. In a democratic Nation, the right to freedom of expression which could come through peaceful protests, involves the exercise of numerous fundamental human rights, and it is essential for securing all human rights, which the citizens should not be denied off by any person in power.
Jaime Espejel-Mena
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 54-72; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111005

The performance of weak democratic governments provides the conditions for business elites or political parties to isolate or focus public goods on society. The relationship between the State and society is nourished by positive freedoms and dignifies them, however, a government is required that amalgamates the objectives of the State, public services to the needs of the population, social capital, and limits negative freedoms. The objective of this article is to analyze the problems of governments in their national and local spheres, to consolidate their democracy through electoral or political channels and then to ensure a required capacity to satisfy the provision of services—formal arrangements—to demonstrate a efficiency, capacity and coherence to govern with mechanisms that demonstrate decisional capacity that consolidates democratic life.
Aigul Musaeva, Salmorbekova Rita, Kunduzkhan Karimova, Zhypargul Abdullaeva
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 123-133; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111008

In this article, the authors consider qualimetric assessment of public services as one of parameters for social policy effectiveness in Kyrgyzstan. The relevance in this work is based on analysis of the received information materials, improving the mechanisms of activity and modernizing the assessment of the efficiency index of local self-government to provide a new approach to measuring the analysis and improve social policy in the provision of public services, which can subsequently provide support in solving social, political and economic problems. In the government municipal service, the qualimerty method is not used for assessment of the population satisfaction in providing the governmental services; therefore, provision of standardization is considered as new approach.
Adenike Adeseye
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 99-122; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111007

Remittance inflows have been increasing significantly in Nigeria over the past decades. They are becoming one of the most constant sources of economic growth and development. This research work examined migrants’ remittance and economic growth in Nigeria. Remittance inflow was used as dependent variable and gross domestic products, inflation, imports and exports were independent variables. In this study, secondary data were utilized. The study employs annual data obtained from world development and international financial statistics which covers the period of 29 years (1990-2018). Quantitative data collected were evaluated through descriptive statistics; and the hypotheses formulated were tested with the use of multiple linear regressions which includes ANOVA, Correlation, and Coefficient. And this was done with the aid of SPSS version 21. From the findings of the study and the tested hypotheses, it was discovered that significant relationship exists between remittance and gross domestic product, exports and imports in Nigeria while inflation has no significant relationship with remittance. The study therefore proffers some recommendations towards utilizing influx of remittance for economic growth in Nigeria.
Fahua Qiu
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 155-168; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111010

Since the easing trend of the situation of the Korean peninsula in 2018, active and positive changes have occurred in the bilateral relationship between North Korea and South Korean/the US/China as well as between China and South Korea. In this scenario, the bilateral relationship between North Korea and South Korea or the US has been considered to be the main avenue to resolve the North Korean nuclear issues. However, in essence, the formation and development of the North Korean nuclear issues are the consequences of the multilateral factors, which also embody the limitations of the bilateral relations of North Korea and the US/South Korea. The future complete resolution of the North Korea nuclear issues should be dependent on the framework of multilateralism driven by the bilateral relations.
Gulsara Kuldysheva, Rustam Mamazakirov, Dinara Shookumova, Dinara Dzhunusova, Nurabidin Marazykov, Gulnaz Chynykeeva, Feruza Tanatarova, Elnura Toktobaeva, Amanbek Kuldyshev, Zhypargul Abdullaeva
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 169-175; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111011

The article analyzes legislations regulating women social rights, noted that there are certain restrictions in the legislation. The rights caused by the lack of registration, mainly related to social or economic rights are: the right to work, the right to own and dispose of property, the right to social security, and the right to medical care. Legislative norms, social rights, marriage, family relations, divorce, reproductive health, economic rights and domestic violence explained. Research methods were based on the Legislative norms overview in the Kyrgyz Republic Law, and literature analyses.
Rizwan Rafi Togoo, Farah Hanim Binti Mohamed Ismail
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 12-20; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111002

This research has discussed the background and factors that caused the Rohingya humanitarian crisis, which forced tens of thousands of Rohingya men, women, and children to flee oppression in the Rakhine state. The information gathered from the personal interviews conducted for research purposes gave us a brief historical background of the conflict. This study employed a qualitative method of research. It aims to analyze the difficulties the Rohingya refugees face by taking the individual stories of human beings. We also analyze the civil society’s steps, the government of Malaysia, and other organizations, both governmental and non-governmental, to assist the Rohingya refugees in tackling these issues. The study recommends that the Malaysian government should make efforts to provide education, financial support, and jobs to Rohingya refugees, giving them the right to live a better life.
Geert Roovers, Michael Duijn
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 1-11; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111001

Subsoil interventions in the Netherlands, such as gas and oil extraction, thermal energy extraction or CO2-storage, cause tensions. Planning leads to local resistance, debate and often delay or cancelling of initiatives. The central characteristics of this planning are the main cause. As the transition to sustainable energy asks for more interventions in the subsoil, these tensions get problematic, and hinder the transition. In this article, we investigate this problematic nature of central public planning of subsoil interventions in the Netherlands. We do this by using a network management perspective and local acceptance theory and researching two cases. We conclude that a more prominent role of local actors, using localism and soft power, is crucial. With this article, we want to contribute to national and international discussions about the planning and governance of subsoil initiatives and strengthening of local involvement in these.
Adenike Adeseye
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 73-98; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.111006

This research work examined migrants’ remittance and household expenditure pattern in Nigeria. The study adopted survey research method. The quantitative study was utilized with the aid of questionnaire. The respondents were selected using convenient and random sampling techniques. Two hundred copies of questionnaires were administered on migrant households in the study area while one hundred and sixty-six questionnaires were returned. The data collected were analyzed through descriptive statistics, such as frequency tabulation and simple percentage compilation; hypotheses formulated were tested with the use of chi-square statistics. From the findings of the study and the tested hypotheses, it was discovered that there is a significant relationship among remittance, income, consumption expenditure and investments of households in Nigeria. The study therefore proffers some recommendations towards utilizing influx of remittance for households’ expenditure in Nigeria.
Giacomo Buoncompagni
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 11, pp 215-233; doi:10.4236/ojps.2021.112014

The errors of journalistic information on the topic of immigration are mainly those of its public representation enclosing the continuous attempt to define an “old” phenomenon as an unprecedented and current problem. The consequence of a still “undisciplined” journalism on this issue is the strengthening of the common sense of xenophobic prejudice driven by two phenomena that are increasingly affecting digital platforms: online (mis)information (fake news and information overload) and hate speech. For the purpose of the research, among the episodes of online violence that emerged and highlighted in the literature, it was considered important to dwell on an interesting case of analysis concerning the perception of the migration phenomenon in relation to the role of digital media and the narrative modalities used to influence public opinion through stereotypes and prejudices. In addition, an attempt was made to understand how young university students judge migration policies and the behaviour of institutions towards this issue. The study highlighted which social constructions of immigration have most permeated the target population and influenced their way of using traditional and digital media, as well as the elaboration of communication strategies and policies adopted by local, national and European institutions in the field of immigration.
Ahmed Shboul Hani, Hani Ahmed Shboul
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 626-637; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.104037

One of the meanings of Fundamentalism means literal adherence to religious texts, closure in the past, and contempt for the present and the future together. This is because fundamentalists always look back, not forward. They are fixed to a specific moment in the past, a moment that transcends all moments! Islamic fundamentalism, as explained in the Literatures of fundamentalist groups themselves, is an idea based on adhering to the fundamentals of religion and returning to the beginnings, as was the case during the era of the Prophet and his companions. The central theme of this article is to gain a deeper understanding, and wider discussion of Islamic Fundamentalism; a phenomenon whose destructive effects have reached the four corners of the world. The danger that Islamic fundamentalism poses is that it is the main supplier of ideas to jihadist militias who have carried out most of the terrorist acts in the world. The article, also, tried hard to explore the type of relationship between religion and politics in Islamic fundamentalist thought.
K. B. G. S. K. Gamlath
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 568-588; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.103034

The main purpose of this paper is to explore, existing nature of the local government sector with regard service delivering and social wellbeing of the grass root community who live in country side. Local government institutions are key stone of the social and economic development of the given country. Sri Lanka has a long historical evaluation process regarding local government institutions. As a modern local government institution that Pradeshiya Saba was established in 1987 at the grass root level with regard rapid acceleration of the social and economic development of the rural community, it has given enough power, authority and privileges with regard decision making regarding social and economic development of the grass root people. Yet, after thirty years period, there is not shown sufficient improvement of the social and economic life of the people who are living in Pradeshiya Saba which is located countryside. This trend has to be investigated through applying suitable methodology including suitable techniques. Specially, reasons for existing nature of Pradeshiya Saba should be examined by investigation of the performance of the role of local authorities. Therefore, qualitative approach such as questioners and field interviewers and discussions has been used for the gathering information’s in this regard. There are eight Pradeshiya Saba institutions which have been selected for the carried-out field activities in this research. Final output of the research has been indicating that weak performance of the existing Pradeshiya Saba on their service delivering has been crucially impacted on social and economic wellbeing of the grass root people. Inefficiency and weak attitudes and commitment of the elective people and officers of the Pradeshiya Saba have been negatively impact on performances of the Pradeshiya Sabah in peripherals society. Final output of this research is significant regarding readjustment of performance of the elective members and officials and implementations mechanism with regard role and activities of the existing local government institutions. Also, final result of this research has been opened a new path for initiate research activities for the researchers who have desire to start research in same area.
Angela Kallhoff
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 589-606; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.104035

Citizenship is a key notion in political philosophy. Its main content has been discussed in terms of rights and duties. This contribution argues that a recent debate on qualified notions of citizenship sheds new light on the normative discussion. Citizenship is no longer regarded as a unified notion; instead rights, duties and even virtues of political persons are part of a discussion on “economic citizenship”, “the educated citizen” and “environmental citizenship”. This leads to a re-assessment of citizenship in terms of “competences” and its enabling conditions.
Kammogne Josiane Sider, Josiane Sider Kammogne
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 15-26; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.101002

In economic history, 2018 will be remembered as the year that the US started a trade war with China. The longtime leading hegemony is now embarking with the rising hegemony in one of the largest trade wars in economic history to date. US-China economic ties have expanded substantially since China began reforming its economy and liberalizing its trade regime in the late 1970s. According to the INVESTOPEDIA DICTIONARY, a trade war is a side effect of protectionism that occurs when one country (Country A) raises tariffs on another country’s (Country B) imports in retaliation for Country B raising tariffs on Country A’s imports. As it escalates, a trade war reduces international trade. China and the United States are engaged in a trade war as each country continues to dispute tariffs placed on goods traded between them. US President Donald Trump had promised in his campaign to fix China’s longtime abuse of the broken international system and unfair practices ( The economic disputes occurred before China’s entry to the World Trade Organization but former Presidents George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama all failed to solve the problems. In April 2018, the United States filed a request for consultation to the World Trade Organization in regard to concerns that China was violating intellectual property rights. In adding various tariffs, the US administration is relying partly on Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 to prevent what it calls unfair trade practices and theft of intellectual property ( This gives the president the authority to unilaterally impose fines or other penalties on a trading partner if it is deemed to be unfairly harming US business interests, especially if it violated international trade agreements. In August 2017, the US opened a formal investigation into attacks on the intellectual property of the US and its allies, which cost the US alone an estimated $225 - 600 billion a year in losses. The result is that the US believes Chinese laws undermine intellectual property rights by forcing foreign companies to engage in joint ventures with Chinese companies, which then gives the Chinese companies access and permission to use, improve, copy or steal their technologies. The US also raises concerns that China fails to recognize legitimate patents and copyrights, and discriminates against foreign imported technology, and that China has instituted numerous non-tariff barriers which have insulated sectors of the Chinese economy from international competition. Thus, the trade war is seen as largely focused on intellectual property in China, especially regarding technology. The trade war began in earnest in July with the US levying its first round of punitive tariffs, triggered by an investigation under Section 301 of the Trade Act into Chinese trade and intellectual property practices (
Hui Jin
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 41-49; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.101004

The four self-confidences theory is a scientific proposition advocated by general secretary Xi Jinping in the context of profound changes in party conditions, national conditions, and is also the powerful driving force for building socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era. This paper discusses the need of “four self-confidences” in the development, establishment and practice of socialism with Chinese characteristics from three aspects: new situation, new foundation and new path, so as to better promote the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era with “four self-confidences”.
Parwiz Mosamim, Yogi Suprayogi Sugandi
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 106-123; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.101008

The concept of Open Government has become very important for democratic countries since 2011. Governments are supposed to fundamentally transform information as well as data to citizens to become more openness and responsiveness. Democracy requires transparency, citizen’s participation on policy making and accountability. This paper aims to focus on Open Government Partnership in Afghanistan. The recent report of OGP in 2019 shows that 79 countries and a large number of local governments are representing more than two billion people along with thousands of civil society organizations as members of the Open Government Partnership. Afghanistan joined OGP in late 2017. According to the OGP annual report in 2019, this country is at bottom of the list. This study found that Afghanistan still has a long way ahead to become a real Open Government.
Alexandra Jingsi Ni
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 253-277; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102017

The vigorous rise of China has deeply impressed the world. Many believers of the power transition theory suspect that an increasingly powerful China would ultimately threaten the global domination of the US, i.e. the China Threat thesis (中国威胁论), and replace the US to become the next hegemon. However, the reality is far more complex and complicated than this provocative prophecy, which necessitates a piece of holistic research to shed light on the escalating competition between the US and China. This article is based on solid secondary data and information that has been collected from publically available academic literature and formal political discourse. This article is an evidence-based, critical interpretation of the intensifying power game between the US and China against the concept of leadership. The controversial Trump Administration in the US and the revisionist Xi Administration in China represent distinctively different leadership styles and these two administrations have hugely divergent visions and understandings of the global political economy. In this article, I conclude that: 1) the unilateral and isolationist behaviors of the US under the leadership of Donald Trump is jeopardizing its own hegemonic leadership and undermining the collective strength of the global West; 2) China remains in a defensive position and is reluctant to burden itself with resource-consuming external power game and 3) the almost incompatible strategic thinking and calculations of the Trump Administration and Xi Administration have largely contributed to the intensifying US-China competition despite the strong presence of internal demand for attention and resources.
Pierre Guy-Robert, Guy-Robert Pierre
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 407-427; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.103025

Poverty is one of the significant problems that Haiti is facing presently. Poverty in Haiti is caused by several factors structural or cultural. Furthermore, Haiti’s debt is a result of decades of exploitation from European colonizers. Nonetheless, Haiti also lacks the capacity to influence social processes, public policies, and resource allocation. She requires access to the relevant skills, knowledge, education, and personal development that are essential for the development of a society. Throughout this article, it is argued that international Aid, corruption, slavery, and unemployment are some of the main factors that cause Poverty in Haiti. However, even though Haiti is a developing country, it has lots of resources that can be most helpful to her development. Conversely, we can infer that to reduce or eradicate poverty; it is necessary to have strong institutions, transparent governments, equitable distribution of resources, and integrity of character in governments.
Simona Totaforti
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 507-520; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.103031

This paper reflects on the question of urban growth in South Africa to understand the consequences that new urban dynamics have on the effective rights to the city and on quality of life; and, in the context of urban studies, on the southern turn and on the effective possibility of applying the paradigms produced by the Global North to the countries of the Global South and emerging economies. There is a growing interest in analyzing the reasons behind the cultural and organizational differences that typify African cities. In this scenario, the contribution of urban studies is crucial to understand how cities work, the needs of their residents and the changes that take place, especially in cities like Johannesburg whose urban fabric still shows traces of racial segregation and class division stemming from apartheid. By considering Johannesburg as a case in point, this paper sets out to investigate whether the diversity and differentiation of the urban spaces that characterize South African cities as seemingly unreadable, chaotic and difficult to understand and govern reflect on the one hand the role of the social forces that shape the built environment and urban planning, and on the other hand social and racial inequalities, the actual enjoyment of the right to the city, the identity-defining features of urban space. In other words, the article intends to investigate the outcomes of the interaction between the superficial layers of the urban landscape (for example, the transformations of the built environment) and the deep structural forms that are rooted in the local history and memory.
Juliana Popoola
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 460-480; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.103028

Globalization, like many other concepts in the social sciences, has a variety of definition as there is no single definition for it. It is one of the few phenomena for which there is no accurate timestamp. Waters’ (1995) definition of globalization is used through the course of this work. Globalization is therefore defined as a social process in which the constraints of geography on economic, political, social and cultural arrangements recede in which people become increasingly aware that they are decreasing, and people act accordingly. Development, according to Todaro (1981), is a multi-dimensional process involving the reorganization and reorientation of the entire economic and social systems. Economic development is thus, the process in which a nation improves the living standard of its people as well as their political, social well-being. The research methodology employed for this work was exploratory methodology which is targeted at satisfying researcher’s desire about specific social phenomenon. Also, secondary sources of data and data collection were used. Secondary sources are secondhand information in which has been used by other people other than the researcher himself. The secondary sources of data collection used are library and historical works, published data, internet sources, government and public sector research. Modernization theory was also adopted in shedding more light to work. Modernization theory refers to a radical paradigm that is based on the bipolarity, from a pre-modern or conservative culture to an industrial or Western society. The product of this research concludes that there is interconnectedness between globalization and economic development in Nigeria, which in turn increases the rate of unemployment and hinders democratic development in Nigeria. Globalization was discovered to be the root cause of massive unemployment rate in Nigeria and the hindrance to democratic development in Nigeria. Globalization has an unequal relationship between developed and developing countries. While developed countries benefit massively from globalization, growing/undeveloped countries do not profit. Globalization, through its various symbols (World Bank, United Nations, and International Monetary Fund) and policies put in place by these symbols have negatively affected Nigeria and affected her development both politically and economically. Also, globalization, through colonization, the industrial revolution, Structural Adjustment Programme, privatization and commercialization, devaluation of the currency and so many unfavorable conditions put in place by the international financial institutions that represent globalization have furthered increased unemployment rate in Nigeria. It was also discovered that unemployment negatively affects democratic development in Nigeria as it causes social vices and criminal activities, electoral violence ethnic and religious intolerance, political corruption and poor living standard where the people lose faith in the government.
Xinyue Zhai, Youyou Xu
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 481-492; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.103029

The unprecedented economic growth in the 21th century could be largely attributed to a relatively peaceful international order following the collapse of the bipolar world order. However, contemporary populist backlash has threatened the international security, rendering the extant peace more and more fragile. This article aims to evaluate and explain certain threats posed by populism in the west, arguing that the populism, which challenges incumbent democratic regimes, economic globalization trend as well as various international institutions, is a serious threat to international order. A detailed explanation on the impact of populism, as exemplified by prominent leaders like Boris Johnson and Donald Trump, and by political events such as Brexit substantiates the article’s claims. In conclusion, the article argues that pan-West populism is on the rise, destabilizing current liberal governments and international institutions. Several policy recommendations are made to tackle the populist threats, such as reforming democratic procedures, implementing moderate redistribution policies, and rebalancing powers between international institutions and individual member countries.
Marke Kivijärvi, Tuomo Takala
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 428-447; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.103026

In this article, we examine the discursive practices of (de)stigmatizing right-wing populist party leaders. We draw on a recent example from Finland by examining how the female presidential candidate of a right-wing populist party was portrayed in the Finnish media during the 2018 presidential campaign season. We examine the stigmatization by the press media and the stigma-management tactics used by the presidential candidate to resist stigmatization. The media representation of the right-wing party leader is highly tensioned, and the media positions her political leadership within the duality of charisma and stigma. In our analysis, we extend earlier literature by unveiling the emotional tensions inherent in portraying and (de)stigmatizing populist political leadership. The results highlight how religion, radical nationalism, and inappropriate expression of emotions are intertwined as the main sources for attributing stigma. In this case, the stigmatization of the leader occurs via threatening and ridiculing imagery and erosion of the leader’s authority. Resistance to stigma occurs through distancing, emotional and moral argumentation, and attribution of strong leadership.
Saskia E. Wieringa
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 705-731; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.104041

In the April 2019 elections in Indonesia, the incumbent president, Mr. Joko Widodo, was pitched against former general Mr. Prabowo Subianto. Mr. Widodo won his first term with a strong human rights agenda that was supported by thousands of human rights activists. In his 2019 campaign, the focus was on the country’s economic development. During this campaign, authoritarian tools were widely used to stifle criticism of the incumbent. The human rights movement became strongly polarized between adherents of the two presidential candidates. Both camps waged a fierce social media war in which hoaxes and slander were spread. The political blocs quickly reconciled after the elections, striving for a politics based on consensus. Army factions and Muslim parties that had supported the different sides also soon closed ranks. However, the fracturing of the human rights movement into two opposing camps remained also after the elections. This led to its enervation in relation to several illiberal immediate post-election reforms. In this article, I focus on four cases to analyse the divisive dynamics within the human rights movement. These are the post-October 1965 genocide, the weakening of the Anti-Corruption Commission, the revision of the Criminal Code, and the Anti-Sexual Violence Bill. Problems of solidarity politics will be pointed out. I will examine some hoaxes in social media as they are informative of the discourse in this heated period. The human rights debate between the two candidates on 17 January 2019 will also be discussed. Although external factors such as the growing influence of conservative majoritarian Islam played a major role in the inability of the human rights movement to stop the weakening of the Anti-Corruption Commission, and the deliberations on the revision of the Criminal Code, I focus here on the fragmentation and polarization of the movement and the failure of the participants to engage in affinity politics based on shared interests.
Jan-Erik Lane
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 732-738; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.104042

Human beings have existed as modern homo sapiens for some 100,000 years, recent DNA research informs. And this race has grown to a staggering 8 billion almost, dominant over all other living species and subjugating the other human races. The 21st century may end the fantastic story about Cro-Magnons as planet Earth no longer may support advanced forms of life, i.e. low temperature, supply of food, access to drinking water as well as absence of war between or within nations and even civilisations. Only intergovernmental coordination can slow the process of climate change, but the nature of international relations prohibits it.
Lise Storm
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 638-667; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.104038

This article analyzes factors relating to moderation and immoderation of post-rebel parties in power, thus making a significant departure from previous studies, which have tended to examine these from a position of political weakness. The rigorous analysis marries approaches and findings from comparative politics and Middle East studies with a view to making an original, qualitative contribution to the academic debate on the inclusion of Islamist parties in formal politics based on lessons learned from the experiences of 12 post-rebel parties across the globe, thus also breaking with the trend for single-country case studies or larger, quantitative studies. The research finds that whether post-rebel parties in power are likely to behave moderately largely depends upon the political environment at the time of the conflict’s end, i.e., when these parties first gain entry into the formal political system. Post-rebel parties entering a political system with a tradition of resolving political disagreements within the electoral arena, in which the post-rebel party faces rivalry from sizeable competitors, and where the main issue driving the post-rebel party’s support during the conflict is no longer salient, are more likely to behave inclusively and remain moderate once in power. With reference to Islamist parties, the issue thus becomes a question of how to best create an environment that facilitates Islamist moderation upon these parties’ inclusion into formal politics, rather than a debate over whether the inclusion or exclusion of such parties will lead to their moderation. This finding is likely to significantly change how scholars approach Islamist parties and their inclusion into formal politics.
Edi Kuswandoro Wawan, Marijan Kacung, Nugroho Kris, Wawan Edi Kuswandoro, Kacung Marijan, Kris Nugroho
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 607-625; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.104036

This article investigates power relations in Intra-Party Democracy in the study of organizing political parties. Intra-Party Democracy refers to the notion of formal political institutions, whereas the political process more often occurs informally, personally, multi-vector which involves multi actors, multi political resources and power relations no longer come from formal institutional sources but any direction and beyond the reach of formal institutions. Using the literature review method, this article enhances the explanation of Intra-Party Democracy by presenting the perspective of Discursive Institutionalism as an analytical framework that bridges multi-vector power relations that occur in organizing political parties. Discursive Institutionalism explores the actors’ discursive capabilities, namely coordinative discourse and communicative discourse in the discursive process in organizing political parties.
David Ray Papke
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 278-301; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102018

This article identifies neoliberalism as an important contemporary ideology and then examines the impact of this ideology and its concomitant rhetoric on public health law in the United States. In particular, the article considers the impact of neoliberalism on laws restricting the size of sugary soft drinks, requiring motorcyclists to wear helmets, and mandating graphic warnings on individual cigarette packages. In each area, neoliberalism helped thwart efforts at law reform, much to the ultimate detriment of the public’s health. When these developments are underscored, they bring into higher relief the important relationship of ideology and law.
Fred D’Agostino
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 302-318; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102019

In this paper, I will use methods associated primarily with applied ethics and economic theory to provide a philosophical demonstration, within the social contract tradition, of the importance for a democracy of the substantive equality of its citizens. The social contract is a familiar modality of contemporary democratic theorising in political philosophy. An unfamiliar but promising way of thinking about the social contract is via analogy with some features, and in particular, the extended temporality and, indeed, performativity, of “real-world” contracting. Real-world contractors agree to create the conditions, over a temporally-extended period, in which the terms of their agreement are materially realised. The question of their contract’s ethical standing is not an ex ante one-off, but is considered, rather, against a sequence of ex post milestones. Ideally, as this sequence unfolds, the contractors (and others) will (performatively) summon into being the very conditions that embody the terms of the contract, thus progressively authorising it ex post facto. This approach draws on ideas, in jurisprudence, about relational contracts, and, in economics, about incomplete contracts. An approach of this general kind is well adapted to the circumstances of diversity in which all contemporary political theorising is placed and, arguably, gives a rationale for something like the modern social-democratic welfare state.
Noemi Muñoz-Agustin, Angel Vicario-Merino
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 363-382; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.103023

The movement of populations is something that has been happening throughout history and is currently a key element in all the political agendas. The impact that the media has on the general opinion of society is undoubtable. With the systematic review of the headlines of four key Spanish Newspapers during the period of 2007-2012, we were looking for the tendencies and differences of 5 key newspapers concerning the same event at the same time. The following keywords in Spanish (Dugout, Sub Saharan, Moroccan, Avalanche, Massive arrival, Refugees, Alien law, Internment centers, Human trafficking, Trafficking) have been searched for in a Spanish newspaper repository. The results have been confronted between the newspapers, obtaining clear differences on the importance and the usage of the language repetition of terms to become opinion generators depending on the political moment of the country and the editorial line of the media.
Deepak Chaudhary
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 135-147; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102010

Good governance has now become a buzzword in the political economy. It contributes to accelerating the overall development including human development. Its role in making effective delivery of social and public services is crucial. This paper analyzes the relationship between good governance and human development and its importance based on published data, documents, and theories. The concept of governance and human development emerged after the failure of economic growth based development to reduce poverty and inequality around 1980. Consequently, the UN proposed the concept of a human development approach to fulfill the voids created by past development. It is believed that the proper function of governance in terms of political, economic and administrative can create sound development. Rule of Law, participation, public accountability and responsiveness, transparency, equity and inclusion, efficiency, and decentralization are a key institutional framework for good governance. These principles are structured to perform well-functioning for the assigned goals and objectives. If the institution performs good governance, human development can easily be achieved, and ultimately, sound human development enhances good governance The prospect of good governance and sound human development for developing countries like Nepal is inevitable for economic development.
Beka Lezhava
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 448-459; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.103027

While adopting the Constitution in 1995, it was impossible to determine the territorial arrangement and its regulation was postponed for future. The main aim of an article is illustration of my suggestions concerning the future model of territorial arrangement of Georgia. Taking into consideration the territorial, ethnical and political problems and the analysis of Clauses 3 - 4 of the Constitution of Georgia should be excluded the typical unitary form from the perspective versions of territorial arrangement of the country and while choosing the future model of territorial arrangement, I consider as irrevocable in any case implementation of the asymmetrical principles of federalism and regionalism (In Concrete Asymmetrical Federalism). Federalism in Georgia will greatly enhance the decision making process oriented on the local needs. The citizens will be actively engaged in the political life and the local problems will become familiar to them than the issue to be resolved on the Central level. At the same time, Federal system will protect the social groups living in Georgia and their individual uniqueness. It will support the integration of these groups in united federal system through the balance of powers which will be gained by vertical distribution of the powers in parallel with the horizontal division. Federal state will reduce the possibility of abuse of powers. Federalism will raise the level of political culture and first of all, the culture of political dialogue. The political centers established in the country will not be the united political force and Party political competition will become much more intensive. Different political orientation forces will conduct of the constructive dialogue and respect to each other’s positions and opinions. The suggested research is acute and is greatly important concerning Georgia. Federalism and Regionalism as the experienced forms for solving of territorial problems are the important method for restoration of broken territorial integrity.
Yurdagül Atun, Ata Atun
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 204-212; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102014

Since December 21, 1963, after the planned armed attacks of Greek Cypriots to Turkish Cypriots, where both communities are the locals of Cyprus, the political situation in the island was always strained and time to time broken off. The political negotiations between the two communities aiming to find a sustainable solution to the Cyprus problem started in 1968 and still going on. The main dispute between the two communities is originating from the disagreement on the governance of the island. There is another problem in the island that concerns both communities deeply, based on the natural causes, the scarcity of water in drinking quality for humans, animals and agriculture. The water from Anatolia to Cyprus will overcome the millenniums long draught, scarcity of water and depressed agriculture and stock breeding in the island, together with a long-lasting solution based on equal partnership, causing to end the dispute between Turkish and Greek communities of the island. The water supply Project by pipes from Anatolia to the island of Cyprus 250 m. Below sea level through Mediterranean Sea is named “Peace Water” by the Republic of Turkey and TRNC governments. The political effects of the “Peace Water” are quite negative on the Greek side, believing that the water supply from Anatolia with strengthening the hands of the Turkish Cypriots on the negotiation table, and at the same time will cause Greek side to lose a considerable amount of political superiority. While the water from Anatolia gave a further push and zest for living and existing, to the human life, agriculture and stock breeding, it also will contribute to the promotion to the demands for existing of all kinds of plants, animals, insects and living creatures. This water project, connecting the island of Cyprus to Anatolia may also connect Israel to Anatolia through Cyprus and definitely will give birth to some strategic and geopolitics issues in the eastern Mediterranean region.
Denis Adesina Daniel, David Uchena Enweremadu
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 213-233; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102015

In 2010, Cote d’Ivoire witnessed a very devastating and unprecedented post- election conflict. The conflict resulted in both internal and external impact that over the years continue to affect the pace of development in the nation. This study aimed to investigate the causes and main drivers of the post-ele- ctoral crisis in Cote d’Ivoire in 2010. The study used expository research design adopting in-depth interviews to collect primary data and contextual approach to extract data from briefings from the crisis; UN, EU and international election observation reports and published information in press materials and peer-reviewed journals. The interviews were conducted through cluster sampling method with Election observers, ECOWAS Representation in Cote d’Ivoire, Staff of Abidjan Political Research Center “Centre de Recherche Politique d’Abidjan (CRPA)”, National and International Civil Society, Political Experts, Conflict Experts, Political Scientists and Lecturers in the field. Structural descriptive and expository methods were used to analyse and present findings based on the Marxist and Liberal Structural theories of conflict. The study found out that the 2010 electoral conflict was caused by political flaws due to unclear policies and weak electoral institutions that allowed political interruption and manipulation. Furthermore, national identity was the main driver used by political actors to instrumentalize the conflict to make it seem like a civil war. Illiteracy, tribalism and religion were sensitive areas used to break social cohesion under the big umbrella of national identity. The concept of citizenship should be re-conceptualized and made clear in the constitution to prevent re-occurrence of post-election conflict in the coming years like 2020.
Samira Mobaied
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 124-133; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.101009

Various studies on political instrumentalisation show its application in several areas as an element of political recovery of all forms of protest in favour of power. In this context, this study analyses the different facades of the political instrumentalisation of the Syrian political system. The instrumentalisation of civil society, the instrumentalisation of education, the instrumentalisation of Syrian constitution, the instrumentalisation of secularism and religions, the instrumentalisation of opposition, the instrumentalisation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and Arab nationalism, the instrumentalisation of media and the instrumentalisation of culture and of space and cities have been analysed. Syria is considered to be a country subject to a single party that monopolises political activity within the state the Baath Party, the only political party standing for election, and the only one governing the country continuously since 1963; all the elements analysed in this study show that instrumentalisation is a fundamental method of the Syrian political system. It is used systematically and methodically.
Mongi Belarem, Belarem Mongi
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 27-40; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.101003

In Tunisia, and after the 2011 revolution, the electoral potential increased between 2011, 2014, 2017, 2018 and 2019. Similarly, the structure of this potential, by age and sex, has evolved during these different periods. During the 2019 presidential and legislative elections, 6,620,983 people were registered to vote within Tunisia ( The structure of this electoral potential deserves to be mapped and analysed on different scales. In this study and using the Hyperatlas software, we have mapped and analyzed the Tunisian electoral potential for 2019, by sex and age group. HyperAtlas is a means of multiscale analysis. It is a “tool for measuring and mapping territorial inequalities” (Ysebaert et al., 2011). After the creation of the registration database for elections, we were able to visualize and analyse the inequalities in distribution and structures between the three regions (North, Central and South), the six sub-regions (NE, NO, CE, CO, SE and SO), the 24 governorates of the territory and the 275 delegations of the country, on the one hand, and between the different units on the other hand.
Yue Wang
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 347-362; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102022

Under unique institutional background, the governance of China’s state-owned enterprise (SOE) has a distinctive characteristic. The paper aims at researching the impact of Chinese Communist Party’s participation in external governance on the innovation of China’s state-owned enterprises. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection began to inspect the central state-owned enterprises. The paper uses the political event as natural experiment to research the impact of inspections on corporate innovation, which is an important external mechanism of corporate governance. Through the test of multi-period difference-to-differences (DID) model, the empirical results show that the inspection of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection promoted the innovation of central state-owned enterprises.
Lédaga Néhémie Sabrina, Wei Hong, Mfoubou Elvis Presley
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 329-346; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102021

When we are talking about the globalization of trade and the regionalization of economic forces, it seems necessary, for Africa and for the member countries of the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (EMCCA) in particular to think about new strategies for reviving their economies prone to many challenges. The cultural field via cultural tourism and cultural industries appears here, as one of the best assets to respond to the current international, regional and national challenges from which these countries suffer in trade. Thus, much more than highlighting the difficulties they face, this article aims to show the importance of culture in the economic development of African regional integrations and the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa in singularity. Documentary and qualitative research methods have served as a basis throughout this work.
Olivia Gumbo
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 319-328; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102020

This paper seeks to analyse the role that civil society in Zimbabwe played in 2018 harmonised elections. The objectives of the paper were to understand the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in the electoral process and the impact of CSOs in the electoral process and voter turn-out. The study used qualitative methodology to gather data from secondary data, key informants and respondents of individual interviews. The main findings of the study are that the CSOs contributed to the improved electoral process and increased voter turnout through their participation in pre, during and post-electoral interventions. The main conclusion is that the CSOs are important stakeholders in electoral processes who play a watch dog role for Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. The CSOs also disseminate voters’ education to citizens. The study recommends the CSOs to engage more with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and policy makers to influence the alignment of electoral laws with the constitution and push for full implementation of electoral laws.
Hichem Kadri, Elmira Akhmetova
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 185-203; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102013

The purpose of this article is to provide a critical approach to Russia’s new policy of alliance with its dominant religion that is embodied in the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), which Russia has thus far embraced to fight terrorism and extremism in the Middle East and to determine the extent to which religion stands with politics in Russia’s foreign policy. Syria is taken as a case study and as an eminent example of Russia’s anti-terror front strategy. The main argument of the paper is that Russia’s leading role on the anti-terror front in the Middle East is a security-oriented and national identity-founded strategy under the pretext of fighting terrorism, while it looks forward to being a dominant power in regional, then world affairs. It finds that Russia employs the ROC in political terms as a soft power tool for promoting its foreign policy, as a way to achieve its national interests and to guarantee its national security.
Reham El Morally
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 1-14; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.101001

This research reviews and critiques neoliberalism and neoclassical economics for them being one of the main causes for the subordination and oppression of women. This research does not claim that neoliberalism is the axis of evil; however it discusses how alternative economic and political theories can be more useful and efficient for women and gender development. The research question is mainly concerned with how far do neoclassical economic theories perpetuate and intensify power struggle between genders? The research argues for neoclassical economic theory being a main driving force in the subordination and oppression of women, especially in global South countries that have been subjugated to structural adjustment. In order to do so, this research utilizes an intersectional feminist framework of analysis to methodologically deconstruct neoclassical economic theory and critically investigate their gendered effects on beneficiary countries. Moreover, the political conceptual framework of “inside-outside”, pioneered by Robert Cox, is the analytical tool used throughout this research. The research will, therefore, first clarify the difference between gender and sex, and clarify what I mean when I say “neoclassical economic theory”. Followed by a criticism of how neoclassical economics is a theory of discrimination. An argument for the non-existence of a separation between the global level and the social level when analyzing gender relations will be the primary objective of this study. Lastly, the research discusses how structural adjustment programs affect women, specifically women living in poverty and armed conflict.
Jiahong He, He Jiahong
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 148-162; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102011

The democratic system based on political consultation and the people’s congress in PRC belongs to the category of indirect democracy, in which the key is to guarantee those in power represent the people’s interests. China realized a democracy based on morals in 1950s. The Cultural Revolution gave Chinese people a chance to experience some practices of mass democracy, but it turned out to be a national disaster. With lessons learned, the Chinese leadership recognized the importance of the legal system for democracy. In the last 30 years, China has been exploring the road to democracy, but there is still a long way to go. Now China needs to take substantial and practical measures to guarantee people’s rights for democracy, including the right to know, the right to speak, and the right to vote.
Elnur Hasan Mikail, Hakan çora, Ali Nazmi çora
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 163-184; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.102012

Azerbaijan is a state that has significant oil and gas resources. After gaining its independence, it attempted to solve its own political and economic problems with the realization of projects related to the exploitation of these resources. The basic policy of the state is the diversification of transport routes to export its own energy resources to the world markets. This article elucidates and places the hydrocarbon-rich Caspian region in the context of the energy needs of energy Turkey and the rest of the region. The importance of transportation routes from the Caspian is highlighted and the potential of Caspian petrochemicals or cooperation in energy field is explored. Furthermore, Turkey’s geographic location is close to Middle East and the Caspian Sea basin where 70 percent of the world’s energy resources that have been identified to date is present in accordance with the report of Turkish Ministry of Energy and Natural Sources ( For the transport of Caspian Sea oil and gas reserves the route reaching the Mediterranean through the eastern Turkey is the shortest and the low-cost, convenient and reliable option from a technological and environmental standpoint. On the other hand, transporting such large amounts of oil from narrow and traffic-intensive Turkish Straits by tankers is not a valid way. For these reasons, Turkey has focused her efforts on the realization of the transfer of Caspian oil and natural gas reserves to the Western market over the East-West Energy Corridor. The pipeline projects connecting the Caucasus and Central Asia to Europe are important for the integration of the region into the West. Safe and commercially profitable pipelines will help the region to achieve stability and prosperity. At this stage, the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Crude Oil Main Export Pipeline (BTC) Project was planned for both Central Asia and Azerbaijan oil. This is most commonly referred to as Baku Ceyhan (BTC). The construction works are currently in progress as of 2005 and will start to pump Azerbaijan’s oil through BTC at full capacity starting from the second quarter of 2005 according to the approximate calculations. Within the scope of this project, Azerbaijan has launched a new project for an alternative route to Baku-Supsa and Baku-Novorossisk oil pipelines. Within the scope of this project, European markets, which are new markets for Azerbaijan Petroleum, are opened. Since Russia is against BTC, it is making all kinds of pressure on Azerbaijan side. Lastly, since 1 January 2005, Russia has stopped exporting its natural gas to Azerbaijan. Russia says that the cause of the incident arose from the problems arising in the natural gas lines imported in Turkmenistan. This article will address the strategy and a tactical step that makes Azerbaijan able to achieve the alternative export routes through BTC and its direct and indirect effects on the region.
Michèle Rioux, Christian Deblock, Guy-Philippe Wells
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 50-60; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.101005

Can trade agreements integrate innovations and progressive dispositions? In this era of fast changes linked to globalization and technological changes which fuel discontent, this question has emerged in the literature and in the negotiation processes of many recent agreements. In the first section of this article, we will introduce the structural changes that are beneath the surface of recent trade agreements using a typology of trade agreements enabling comparative analysis. In the second section, we will discuss some of the most important innovations of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) negotiated by Canada and the European Union. In the third section, we will see that part of the innovative nature of CETA, its evolutionary nature, brings many unsettled trajectories. In the fourth section, we will discuss how CETA is further unsettled in its trajectory because it puts into relation two distinctive integration models highlighted in our typology, one developed in Europe and the other in North America and, furthermore, because of the more general context that also puts into play Asia and China as emerging shapers of economic trade agreements.
Carol Bacchi
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 82-105; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.101007

This article scrutinizes critically a pervasive knowledge shaping contemporary sociopolitical relations and spaces—“problem-solving knowledge”. It develops the argument that, as a governing knowledge, “problem-solving” is increasing in intensity and scope, with a range of negative and potentially dangerous effects. As a case study, the article examines how problem-solving knowledge operates in the OECD “skills” assessment programs PISA and PIAAC, with a particularly worrying connection between so-called “cognitive abilities” and labour market performance. It considers how this “turn to cognition”, with its associated moralism, divides “citizens” into those who either can or who cannot solve “problems”, producing “more productive” and “less productive” categories of people. More broadly, these programs illustrate how treating “problems” as self-evident referents is deeply depoliticizing, highlighting the importance of examining how governing takes place through problematization. Through tracing the emergence and functioning of “problem-solving” as a knowledge practice, the article encourages reflection on how problem-solving knowledge has come to be taken-for-granted as “truth” and on how it operates to limit political debate and to regulate political subjects.
Mathieu Arès, Éric Boulanger
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 61-81; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.101006

Due to the US withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), the remaining 11 partners entered into a new trade agreement, renamed the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) in January 2018. In this text we examine the reasons why the “orphans” of the TPP decided to save the agreement under a different version by first examining the two dominant explanatory models, realism and functionalism, and then proposing a complementary one that emphasizes the need for a strong legal and normative framework to promote the integration of mid-powers into trans-Pacific and even global value chains. This text also illustrates the unique leadership and activism of Japan in the negotiation process.
Nieves Lagares, Elba Maneiro, Alfonso A. López
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 383-406; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.103024

The lengthy political crisis in Catalonia highlights the incapacity of the Spanish Government and the Generalitat of Catalonia to find a political solution to this conflict. Facing a situation of this exceptionality and so prolonged in time, an innumerable number of articles and research papers have been published from Political Science. However, very few authors have decided to tackle the influence of emotions on the voting decisions of the Catalans; and even fewer, through a quantitative analysis. In this artcile, we decided to analyse the elements that compose the vote for the main non-independence political parties (PSC and C’s) in the 2017 Catalan elections, including components of an emotional nature. To this end, we will use the survey carried out by the Equipo de Investigaciones Políticas to develop two structural equation models (SEM), one for each of these parties, in which we will incorporate emotions along with other “classic” voting variables.
Alassane Camara
Open Journal of Political Science, Volume 10, pp 493-506; doi:10.4236/ojps.2020.103030

During these last decades, insecurity has been one of the most relevant issues on the political circle as well as on the academic agenda. The security implementation in the Sahel is a complex issue and must be passed by a reflection and reciprocity of the efforts of the different countries and the different partners to assure the prevention against terrorism armed groups, the organized crimes and narcotics. These implementations meet some challenges that are political, socio-economic, military and strategic order, the mutual efforts of the G5 Sahel countries member must be an essential priority, because its results will make to emerge positive profits of the setting in work of the territorial redesign strategies. The G5 Sahel or the G5S is a young institution that has been put in place while a summit on 14th to 17th February 2014 with the coalition of five countries: Mali, Burkina-Faso, Niger, Mauritania and Chad. These countries are faced to the insecurity dangers in their Sahel’s space since some years, and it is through this initiative of common efforts that the G5 Sahel was created. Most of these countries are faced to insecurity challenges in their territory and this work is a way to highlight the efforts that the G5 Sahel and its different partners have established for the security implementation in the Sahel of its countries member. We also focus this work on the fact that different points are seen as blockage to the objective of functioning of this coordination framework. This work is an advantage for us to edify our two main interest points, the one based on security which is a common vision of the G5 Sahel founding’s purpose and the other that focuses on challenges is a determinant aspect whose its resolution should be an emergence of the isolated zone of the G5 Sahel.
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