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Teklie Tesfamariam Berhe
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 2, pp 124-147; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2916

Abstract:
The Democratic Developmental State (DDS) model was attempted during the tenure of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front’s (EPRDF) in Ethiopia. In this paper, an effort has been made hence to explore some economic blessings and political curses incurred, cases for launching and now terminating DDS, and the reform-led changes and continuities in the political economy of Ethiopia. In doing so, the researcher has depended on a qualitative approach and in-depth content analysis of secondary data sources. The finding revealed that the ideological confrontations and lusts for power coupled with the fragile institutional and structural profiles of the EPRDF-led government have precipitated the abortion of the embryonic DDS. Indeed, in the pursuit of DDS, a trade-off between promoting democracy and achieving economic development has remained at a tolerable cost. In consequence, protracted popular grievances against the unequal distribution of benefits have been accompanied by paving the birth of a new leadership submissive to the Neo-Liberal recipes. Now, the state seems as it goes to start from scratch despite some belief that the new leadership appears to regurgitate the footsteps of its predecessor EPRDF rebranding the infamous legacy. It has been found that the reformist part of the government has been facing coordination problems to materialize the political and economic reforms. To this effect, early costs of the beginnings of the reform have been encountered. For that reason, the researcher suggests that the incumbent government should constitutionally and inclusively overcome the state-wide leadership crisis to ensure positive synergy.
Feyera Senbeta
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 2, pp 3-30; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2907

Abstract:
Ethiopia is a country of diverse historical, cultural, geographical, archeological, and ecological resources and is well known as the cradle of humanity. It is also the tenth-largest country in Africa and endowed with vast land and water resources. This country was unable to translate these potential resources into positive development outcomes. This paper examines the historical perspective of Ethiopia’s underdevelopment mystery under the last three regimes (i.e., Haile Selassie (Imperial), Derg, and the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)). Qualitative approaches mainly interview, discussion, document analysis, and personal experiences were employed in generating relevant data that were analyzed and presented thematically. The results show that Ethiopia ranked the least in many global human development indexes such as Human Development Index, Corruption Index, and Global Hunger Index in the last decade. The underlying historical development challenges include political instability, despotic leadership, corruption, dependence on foreign aid and assistance, controlled freedom of expression, lack of diversity within unity, and inconsistent development policies. Over the last three successive regimes, the state-society relationship has been characterized by conflict, disagreement, and supremacy of state which messed up available national development opportunities. If Ethiopia has to come out of poverty and underdevelopment, it needs to improve its political stability and governance. It must be governed by ‘popularly elected’ not by ‘self-elected leader’ and put in place a system of accountability for a better future and wellbeing of its population. Consistent and pro-poor policy, good working culture, and unity in diversity must be other areas of concern for future development.
Mohammad Jahangir Hossain Mojumder
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 2, pp 148-179; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2917

Abstract:
Nowadays, demands are growing for outcome-based and transferable learning, particularly in higher education. Being the terminal formal schooling, it needs facilitation of pupils’ achievement of problem-solving skills for real-life by teachers. To this end, this qualitative research employs a case study approach, which is suitable to test an event with small samples, and a phenomenological method to analyze respondents’ perceptions and activities thematically and descriptively to assess changes. In-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and class observations are used to collect data from two selected colleges to examine the extent of professional development and methodological shift in teaching as effects of training to include active learning strategies for better learning outcomes. The data though reveals that the selected flagship training program offers a bunch of pedagogical methods (not need-based) to imbibe, yet reject the idea that the nationally arranged training remains a successful effort to increase trainees’ knowledge, skills, and polish attitudes except disseminating a few concepts superficially. Moreover, trainees lack the motivation to shift their teaching habits and are unconvinced that the application of these newly learned strategies will transform anything. Likewise, they are discontented about training contents and unenthusiastic in consort with unfavorable opinions about training procedures and trainers to some extent. Therefore, the results suggest limited or no significant professional development and modification in teaching practice, rather teachers continue conventional teacher-centered method, and the effort stays insufficient, extraneous, ‘fragmented’, and ‘intellectually superficial’. Additionally, at the colleges, large class size, inappropriate sitting arrangement, pervasive traditionality, absenteeism, and other analogous challenges limited them to change their practice. Considering all these, this study suggests that alternations should be initiated at a micro (teachers & college) and macro-level (training providers & policymakers) to offer tailor-made, autonomous, and need-based training. Last but not the least, this endeavor is limited by being entirely qualitative with a small sample size and not eliciting the views of any of the trainers and policymakers and which can be an indication of points of departure for future study.
Abdisa Olkeba Jima
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 2, pp 55-81; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2913

Abstract:
Mining, specifically, large-scale gold mining has become one of the primary economic activities that play a pivotal role in the socio-economic development of one country. But there is no consensus among scholars whether gold mining companies maintain mutual benefits with local communities. The main objective of this research is to scrutinize the mechanism to be employed in reopening Lega Dambi large-scale gold mining by maintaining mutual benefits between the company and the local community. The researcher employed a qualitative method and a case study research design. Focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews were used to collect data from the local community, elders, religious leaders, Abbaa Gadaas, Guji Zone, and Odo Shakiso Woreda investment office, land management office, social and labor affair, mineral, and energy office administrators, and Odo Shakiso Woreda health station and Adola hospital. Secondary sources and regulatory frameworks such as FDRE Constitution and Mining Operations Proclamation No. 678/2010 were used to triangulate with primary data. The finding shows that Lega Dambi's large-scale gold mining company failed to maintain mutual benefits between itself and the local community. Basic tenets such as national and regional corporate social responsibility, community development agreement, impact and benefit agreements, social and labor plan, and social license were not implemented properly to balance the mutual benefit between the company and the local community. The researcher concluded that Lega Dambi large-scale gold mining company disregarded the role of the local community during commencement time albeit it had a strong relationship with the central government. Consequently, the company was terminated because of a bad relationship it had with the local community. It is recommended that national and regional corporate social responsibility that shows the company’s specific joint administration of the central and Oromia region governments should be designed and implemented fully. It is also recommended that discussions should be held with local communities and arrived at a consensus concerning the reopening of the company.
Negasa Gelana Debisa
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 2, pp 31-54; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2909

Abstract:
Despite the fear entertained by the downstream countries of the Nile basin, little attention was paid to the right of Ethiopia to utilize the Blue Nile waters. The purpose of this study is to explain the tension between upper riparian Ethiopia and downstream Sudan and Egypt on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) filling and controversies on its annual operation. A descriptive qualitative research method was employed to describe the tension concerning the filling and controversies on the annual operation of the GERD. The investigation relied on secondary sources of data obtained from YouTube videos of international broadcast media such as CGTN, Aljazeera, and TRT World. In addition, national broadcast media of Ethiopia (Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation and Ahadu Television), Sudan (Sudan Tribune), and Egypt (Daily News Egypt) accessed to make data balance. Moreover, letters from these countries sent to the UNSC have been reviewed. Besides, published and unpublished secondary sources on the Nile basin hydro-politics and the GERD were reviewed. The finding of the study reveals that the filling of the dam does not constitute significant harm as it can be seen from the first phase filling given the hydrological condition in the Eastern Nile Basin. The controversy regarding the annual operation of the GERD arises from the fear that their historical and current water use will be threatened. They wanted to conclude the binding agreement in their favor at the expense of Ethiopia’s future utilization of Blue Nile water. Their fear is Ethiopia would not remain faithful to its promises that the dam and its filling do not affect their water security. Rather than basing their claim on invalid colonial treaties, Egypt and Sudan should acknowledge Ethiopia’s right to utilize the Blue Nile water resource and fill the dam without causing significant harm. It is suggested to clear distrust and discuss issues of common concern by tolerating short-term risk for the long-term collective prosperity.
Ayenew Birhanu Worku
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 2, pp 103-123; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2915

Abstract:
The political parties of any country are expected to remain committed to the political and economic improvement of their country. As one of the main intermediaries between the state and citizens, one would therefore expect political parties to have a key role in achieving a democratic and peaceful transition. This article focuses on the contribution, actual or potential, of political parties to political transitions. The objective of this study is to examine the roles of political parties in ongoing reform efforts and the challenges they face in Ethiopia. The paper reports mainly on the findings of semi-structured interviews with local and national politicians carried out during 2020 as well as an analysis of political parties’ programs. This study indicates that political parties are the main agents of political representation, and play a crucial role in articulating and aggregating citizens’ demands in democracies. As such, this study argues that political parties have a major role to play in political transitions though, in Ethiopia, they have generally not lived up to expectations. The findings reveal that the very nature of transition and the prevailing character of political parties in Ethiopia have inhibited that role. The study concludes that the unpredictability of post-reform trends, a weak political culture, and inefficiency of political parties, which are in turn related to the nature of party systems, prompted political instability which in turn hampered the anticipated political transition in Ethiopia.
Marew Abebe Salemot, Alemstehay Birhanu
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 2, pp 82-102; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2914

Abstract:
The objective of this article is to investigate how legal frameworks address gender-based violence in Ethiopia? The research adopted a qualitative approach that utilized secondary sources and reviewed national legal frameworks promulgated and international instruments ratified by Ethiopia. According to this study, Ethiopia, where gender-based violence persistently exists, has adopted insufficient legal frameworks. Still, gender-sensitive legal frameworks shy away from giving a holistic definition to gender-based violence and did not show the scope of the term violence against women in full-spectrum either. Gender-related laws adopted by Ethiopia are inadequate to give civil remedies to those affected by gender-based violence. There are also neither separate domestic violence acts nor any kind of laws adopted to give specific civil remedies for the victims. This is attributable to the absence of comprehensive anti-violence laws in Ethiopia that affect law enforcement from pursuing incidents of violence within marriage and cohabitation on the premise that there are no clear legal provisions.
Daniel Handino, Gizaw Bekele
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 82-99; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2334

Abstract:
Hadiya people have maintained their indigenous mechanisms of governance system known as “Seera”. This article addresses the role of blessing and cursing in conflict resolution among the Hadiya people. To achieve this objective, a qualitative method with an exploratory study design was employed. A total of 25, purposively selected, key informants have taken part as a primary source for this study. Besides, secondary sources have been used to substantiate data obtained from the primary sources. The major findings were that Hadiya traditional institutions have been playing a significant role to solve different local conflicts where the practices of blessing and cursing are very important enforcing tools that elders use to easily approach the individuals or groups in conflict, to investigate crimes which are committed in the absence of eye witness. Speaking truth is an essential principle that is expected from the disputants and the elders who manage the resolution process to save oneself from the curse. Men and women have a significant role and mostly every meeting begins and ends with blessing and cursing. Cursing is implicit in every day but it takes place on the last day if the suspect does not reveal the truth about the case. Concerning the link, the FDRE constitution recognized the preservation of cultures and practices of each society within its indigenous institutions. The similarity between the formal and informal is also found as in both institutions the witness begins by swearing an oath which is a part of the cursing on oneself if he or she lies or tries to falsify the truth related to the case. Lastly, the practices of blessing and cursing have been affected by different factors like individual differences over the decisions of elders or negative attitudes towards the value of the practice; sometimes the corrupt behavior of some elders. Awareness creations for youth concerning elders’ honor and value, and their roles in conflict resolution and for elders, on the other, about the importance of their work and the disadvantages of malpractices are part of the recommendation.
Ermyas Admasu Wolde, Abiot Desta Habte
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 4-29; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2381

Abstract:
The Nile River Basin, with eleven riparian countries, lacks any agreed-upon basin-wide legal framework. Attempts at effective management and utilization of water resources inclusive of all countries along the basin have not been possible due to lack of consensus on the legal basis of already exiting colonial-era agreements that allocate an absolute share of the Nile water to Egypt and Sudan by excluding most of the upper riparians. The review has specifically focused on the trilateral negotiation processes between Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt since November 2019 on the filling and annual operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which Ethiopia has been constructing since 2011. It has made a thorough review of a series of events and processes through which the negotiation has passed to conduct a critical analysis of facts, and has suggested reflections on the way forward. It considers the need for political will and flexibility of the negotiating parties to reconcile existing contradictory positions. To this end, pursuing a revisionist approach to take the dynamic socio-economic realities and development needs of co-basin countries is commendable. This further requires renegotiating long existed colonial-era agreements and formulating a basin-wide legal framework in line with existing international standards. Focusing on technical and expertise level of discussions and outcomes would minimize over politicization and specifically would help to address the negative impacts of Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and optimize positive externalities. Peace is a necessity than any other option among the co-basin countries and the only avenue towards sustainable resolution of disputes. Negotiating in good faith and in a ‘give and take’ modality needs to be a second to none alternative to the parties. The international community may also need to play a neutral and genuine role to assist the parties to settle their differences amicably and reach a final negotiated settlement.
Mesfin Mulugeta Woldegiogis
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 100-125; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2335

Abstract:
A contextually rethought coexistence of capitalism and socialism, particularly, the ‘Third-Way’ politico-economic framework is a contemporary dominion in the pursuit of prosperous and inclusive development. Regarding the third-way position, however, there is a dearth of theoretical framework in African studies. Hence, this article aimed at exploring the theoretical significance of ordoliberalism and its social market economy model that is often praised as the secret(s) in the wake of the ‘Wirtschaftswunder’, meaning the ‘economic miracle’, of Germany. In so doing, the article has sought the common conceptual ground between the notions of the social market economy and inclusive development through the extensive review of theoretical evidence available in the secondary sources of data. The review of literature has revealed that unlike the German experience, the policy choice among the African countries, in the post-colonial era, was never consistent with ordoliberalism or social market economy. However, the post-2000 economic trajectory of Africa has shown the coexistence of the welfare state and coordinated market thereby creating a convenient condition to implement the lessons learned from the development path of Germany. Besides, the prevalent socio-economic problems in most of the Sub-Saharan African countries including demographic bulge, abject poverty, high levels of income inequality, extractive/rent-seeking institutions of governance, brain-drain, and aid/loan dependency syndrome are the major factors that underline the urgency for policy reforms geared towards an Afro-centric social market economy. Yet, the levels of economic development, historical, cultural, and geopolitical differences need to be taken into account to effectively implement the policy instruments of the social market economy in Africa.
Sanjeev Kr Jain
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 154-161; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2338

Ermyas Admasu Wolde, Abiot Desta Habte
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 4-29; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2341

Abstract:
The Nile River Basin, with ten riparian countries, lacks any agreed-upon basin-wide legal framework. Attempts at effective management and utilization of water resources inclusive of all countries along the basin have not been possible due to lack of consensus on the legal basis of already exiting colonial-era agreements that allocate an absolute share of the Nile water to Egypt and Sudan by excluding most of the upper riparians. The review has specifically focused on the trilateral negotiation processes between Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt since November 2019 on the filling and annual operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which Ethiopia has been constructing since 2011. It has made a thorough review of a series of events and processes through which the negotiation has passed to conduct a critical analysis of facts, and has suggested reflections on the way forward. It considers the need for political will and flexibility of the negotiating parties to reconcile existing contradictory positions. To this end, pursuing a revisionist approach to take the dynamic socio-economic realities and development needs of co-basin countries is commendable. This further requires renegotiating long existed colonial-era agreements and formulating a basin-wide legal framework in line with existing international standards. Focusing on technical and expertise level of discussions and outcomes would minimize over politicization and specifically would help to address the negative impacts of Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and optimize positive externalities. Peace is a necessity than any other option among the co-basin countries and the only avenue towards sustainable resolution of disputes. Negotiating in good faith and in a ‘give and take’ modality needs to be a second to none alternative to the parties. The international community may also need to play a neutral and genuine role to assist the parties to settle their differences amicably and reach a final negotiated settlement.
Center for PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 1-3; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2339

Mehnaz Najmi
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 147-153; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2337

Umme Sayeda
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 126-146; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2336

Abstract:
The post-COVID-19 new normal will arise as a game-changer in the policy-making of the world states. Accordingly, this article highlights the post-pandemic Bangladesh that should integrate biology affirmatively in the policy development procedures to reshape the new normal challenges as opportunities. The grounded theory method is adopted as a quantitative analysis tool relying on the secondary sources of data to portray the significance of biopolitics as political rationality in new norm Bangladesh. The researcher has used the neo-realism approach to develop the ‘Biopolitical Rationale Theory’, which uncovers how evolving neo-realist security demands the prioritization of biopolitics in every sphere of decision making for governing the post-pandemic new standard of existence. The 2020 corona outbreak proved that human life and the environment are the ultimate means of survival rather than the traditional security arrangements and extreme economic growth which are inhumane (rationality of death and militarization), unhygienic, and destructive to the environment (exploitation of nature is profitable). The article recommends some alternative new normal policies such as non-discriminative health policy, bordering in line with International Health Regulations (IHR), digitalization with better cybersecurity, virtualization of the tourist industry (application of Extended Reality), application of Career Resilience (CR), and Strategic Flexibility Analysis tools in the re-employment and career development, greening the economy, special arrangements for emergency health crisis and undertaking actions considering the environment as a remedy rather than a crisis. The review research concludes that the inclusion of biopolitics in the Bangladesh governance system can redesign the challenges of new normal as new opportunities. But the reshaping of such a new reality will itself prevail as a considerable challenge for Bangladesh.
Fikadu Tolossa Ayanie, Dagnachew T. Melese, Eyayew T. Beze, Tihtina A. Fanta
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 30-60; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2342

Abstract:
Ethiopia is found in the ‘Eastern Africa migration system’ known for turbulent population mobility due to a host of social, economic, and political factors. The migration problem of East Africa, in which, a substantial exploration of the complexity and intensity of the migration pattern of Ethiopia has become necessary in the context of social transformation and development processes. To this end, this study is designed to provide migratory change and developmental patterns of international migration of Ethiopia in regional and sub-regional perspectives based on long-term macro statistics. The data obtained from the Reports of the United Nations Department for Economic and Social Affairs and World Bank’s Development Indicators have been used to describe, analyze and explain long-term patterns of international migration of Ethiopia within the regional contexts. Results show the trend that Ethiopia experienced a continuous increase in its international migrant stock in the last five decades, from less than 400,000 in 1960 to over 1 million in 2015. Refugees and transit migrants constituted the largest number of immigrants, mostly from the neighboring countries, driven by continuous conflicts and political instability. Ethiopia, once dominant in refugee flows in the Horn of Africa due to political conflict, famine, and persecution, experienced a sharp decline in the share of refugees in the Horn of Africa in the last three decades. Economic motives have recently become the prime factors in migration decisions among the Ethiopians as observed with the fact that the USA and the Middle East are the major destinations. The findings revealed that Ethiopian emigration is characterized by the inter-continental flows unlike the Sub-Saharan migration pattern known to have an intra-continental migratory link. Feminization of Ethiopian migration is also evident particularly in core destination countries of the Global North, which indicates the increasing role of females in migration decisions but also disproves the widely held perception about Ethiopians emigration to the Arab World as female-specific. In the final analysis, Ethiopia could be regarded rather as a destination, with over 1.2 million migrants, than as an origin, with just over 800,000 as of 2017, which now make the country a regional migration hub in the Horn of Africa.
Wogayehu B. Bekele
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 61-81; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2343

Abstract:
This study investigates the role of media in the social development of the community in South Radio and Television Agency Bonga Branch Radio (BBR) in Decha woreda, Kafa Zone, Southern Ethiopia. The study addresses the contribution of media in changing the audience’s knowledge, attitude, and practices in the community’s social activities. To address the objectives, the researcher applied mixed research approaches and descriptive design. Both primary and secondary data were used in the study and analyzed through qualitative and quantitative methods. The data were collected through questionnaires, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions. To determine the sample size for the study, a multi-stage sampling technique was employed. Three Kebeles were selected purposively and 106 respondents participated in the study. The findings show that Bonga branch radio station is contributing to social development through influencing the behavior (attitude, knowledge, and practice) of the community. The study also reveals that the acceptance of the role of radio in the community is high since it transmits its different programs and news content in the ethnic language of the community in which the members can easily understand. Even though the media is playing its role in the community’s social development, different challenges have been observed in the branch radio station. Based on the finding, recommendation has been forwarded that the local government bodies should change their outlook towards the media organization. The media management should take the improving measures, such as the journalists and technician capacity building, the transmission coverage of the radio station, and revision of the news and program content format that will enable the media to meet the satisfaction of the audience.
Center for PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 1-3; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i1.1396

Mesfin M. Woldegiorgis
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 102-132; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i1.1369

Abstract:
Inclusive development is a newly emerging notion that is gaining substantial attention, especially in international civil societies. The aim of this study, therefore, is to discuss the drivers of inclusive development in Africa, paying special attention to the political economy and structural change variables. Ordinary Least Squares regression is run in STATA 14 to test if there are statistically significant correlations between the five-year average scores of inclusive development index (IDI) as an endogenous variable and (proxies of) the five-year trend in economic growth, technology, structural change, trade, and political economy as exogenous variables. The panel data are pooled from 21 African countries among which 9 countries are landlocked. The regression is run in two scenarios. As an alternative scenario, IDI is pooled from the World Economic Forum (WEF) 2017 report and used as a dependent variable. In the other scenario, IDI is computed by incorporating variables relevant to the African context then used as a dependent variable. In the IRID customized version, the five-year trends of GDP, health facility, the institutional and structural change variables viz. democracy and employment opportunity in the industry sector are statistically significant determinants of inclusive development. Accordingly, an inference is drawn claiming that inter alia a nation is as prosperous, inclusive and resilient as the quality of its governance institutions and enforcement capability. This is in line with the conventional thought in African studies which claim that a natural resource endowment per se is not the sole determinant of development. Finally, to anchor IDI with a pragmatic paradigm, a three-stage institutional reengineering model is proposed which could be applied in different development governance endeavors.
Abdisa O. Jima
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 80-101; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i1.1370

Abstract:
The impacts of human trafficking are currently high across the world albeit different policies are designed to combat it. Yet, governments are not working hard practically and jointly as they write strategies and programs on the paper to reduce the impacts of women trafficking. Even though men are victims of human trafficking, scholars agree that women are the most vulnerable to human trafficking. This study describes the socio-economic impacts of human trafficking among the west Asia returnee young women in Ethiopia by taking Oromia Region’s West Shewa zone as a case study. The study used the mixed-method approach. A descriptive case study research design was applied for a detailed description of the socio-economic impacts of human trafficking among west Asia returnee young women. Feminism theory was employed to scrutinize the oppression of young women. The finding reveals that human trafficking caused the divorce of marriage and exposed children to the street because of unwise savings and disagreement of spouses; psychological and physical threats of young women on the way to work, at the workplace and after return; wastage of income as a result of saving money in the wrong place; economic crisis because young women had to pay back the loan to brokers – traffickers – and could not repay the money for lenders; and school dropout. From the finding, it is concluded that although young women exposed to human trafficking by the vision of having their job in the future and the income they could generate in West Asia. They had a dream to improve their lives, they could not realize their dream since they were unable to save the money thereby leading them to social and economic crises. Hence, it is recommended that issues of human trafficking should be incorporated into the school curriculum, at least at the elementary level, so that young women get better awareness about the negative consequences of human trafficking and abstain from traffickers. It is also recommended that young women who work abroad legally should open their formal bank account to save their wages to escape social and economic crises when they return.
Minhaj Alam, Fikadu T. Ayanie
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 21-48; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i1.1388

Abstract:
This article is meant to analyze the origin, evolution and current status of neoliberalism with special focus on the shift that has been observed in the main-stream political ideology of capitalism. An explanatory research approach was employed by relying on secondary sources of data to explain the rise and fall of neoliberalism and its dynamics and uncertain journey in an allegory of destruction of the Berlin Wall to the construction of Mexico wall. The review revealed that the neoliberal ideology which was once projected as a panacea for the liberation of human dignity, autonomy, choice, voluntary exchange, freedom to compete in markets and personal empowerment is no more relevant and workable as it was during the 1970s. The shreds of evidence further brought out that champions of neoliberalism were more engaged in the arms race, religious polarization, terrorism vs. anti-terrorism, mainstream ideological rivalry, politics of oil under the garb of democracy and market economy. A paradigm shift was also observed as a hallmark in this paper when the messiah of neoliberalism shifted to protectionism which is symbolized by the strong zeal to construct the Mexico Wall. This paradigm shift took place now when free-trade ideology started to signify a trend of integration among the countries of the South and when a significant rise of Emerging Markets has been taking place. It concluded that the holiness of market-oriented ideology proved to be an unholy affair.
Micheale K. Gebru
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 61-79; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i1.1364

Abstract:
The objective of this article is to critically examine the role(s) that the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) has played in the restoration of peace in South Sudan. Methodologically, the article employed a case study qualitative research design as its main focus is analyzing the contributions and challenges of IGAD in seeking peace in South Sudan. The study revealed that IGAD has played a prominent and leading role in the South Sudan mediation. Since its involvement in the mediation process, it has played its utmost efforts in the South Sudan peace process to end the armed conflict and created the basis for sustainable conflict resolution in non-violent ways. The Agreement on the resolution of the conflict signed by the parties in August 2015, without doubt, is a major contribution to the resolution of the conflict. The agreement outlined a comprehensive plan to end the fighting, frame a post-conflict transition, and to begin the tasks of reconciliation and reform despite competing interests of the parties and diverging views of external partners. Furthermore, IGAD was instrumental in the realization of the IGAD High-Level Revitalization Forum on 21 December 2017. More recently, IGAD has played a prominent role in the signing of the Khartoum Declaration Agreement on outstanding issues on governance and security arrangements among warring parties held on 5 August 2018 in Sudan. Another achievement of IGAD was its ability to manage regional tensions, among its members, which prevented an agreement on power-sharing and security arrangements in the country. Finally, the article concludes that IGAD has achieved success in assisting South Sudan to integrate into the regional peacebuilding architecture.
Siyum A. Mamo, Abiot D. Habte
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 49-60; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i1.1362

Abstract:
This paper provides a critical examination of the political economy of commercial agricultural land in Ethiopia, taking a case from the peripheral State of Gambella where the Anyuaa and the Nuer ethnic groups interact. Since 2002, the government of Ethiopia has pursued a controversial investment approach that promotes large-scale investment dominated by FDI while officially denouncing the current wave of the neoliberal economic discourse. Such investment ventures in the State of Gambella have put significant agricultural lands under a long-term lease to foreign developers. The central argument of this study lies in the point that, in a political economy avenue where practices contradict official state ideology, mechanized agricultural developments face failure beyond adverse social and ecological crises. Under the guise of the political economy of development where the state takes in hand the responsibility for playing a leadership role, private developers cannot easily find a space for leverage for making productive investments. Rather, such ventures as the case of Gambella tend to institute land alienation of the rural indigenous poor who are already marginalized because of their double-peripheral positions – a manifestation of South in the South. The consequence of both inter-group relations and the environment is catastrophic. The paper concludes that the influence of (trans)national companies on indigenous communities living especially in fragile environments continues to be disconcerting whereas the conflation of the neoliberal inspiration in the peripheral regions appears to be disguising while leaving the local environment and inter-group relations at stake. Thus, the Ethiopian government should recognize the contradiction between its official ideology and the investment practices in agricultural lands overtaken by (trans)national developers.
Chali E. Taye, Melkamu S. Abebe, Endalkachew G. Tsige
PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD), Volume 1, pp 4-20; doi:10.46404/panjogov.v1i1.1371

Abstract:
Currently, the case of divorce is everywhere in the community and its magnitude is increasing at an alarming rate. The increasing rate of divorce negatively affects the wellbeing of the society, and therefore, its adverse effect would be reflected in the building of a strong nation/state. The main objective of this study was to assess the magnitude and associated factors of divorce in the selected Woredas located in Illubabor and Bunno Bedelle Zones. To carry out this study, a qualitative approach and secondary sources of data were employed. The data collected through interviews and secondary sources were analyzed by thematic analysis and descriptive methods. After analysis, the result showed the increasing rate of divorce cases from year to year. The major causal factors for divorce were found to be economic dependency rather than interdependency, lack of regular source of income to sustain a marriage, addictive behaviors (khat and alcohol), external pressure (from family and peer), poor preparation for marriage and intolerance of religious and interest differences. Since the case was worsening, the government should work cooperatively with civil societies on the root factors to minimize the rate of divorce.
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