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V. Shved
Problems of World History pp 147-163; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-6

Abstract:
The period from January to March 2021 completed the formation of the main outlines of the foreign policy of the Joe Biden administration in the Middle East, which found its consolidation in the Interim Strategic Leadership in the field of national security. Its main features, in contrast to the policy of the D. Trump administration, are based on the principles of democracy, liberalism and reliance on the alliances and allies of the United States in the region. The main directions of the foreign policy course of the new US administration in the Middle East region are determined as follows: ensuring effective security for Israel in the context of its deep integration into the Middle East, advancing the process of the Abrahamic agreements and resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict on the basis of a two-state solution; organizing, together with its regional allies and partners, the effective counteraction to the Iranian expansionist course by returning to an updated and expanded Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action; continuing the counterterrorism activities with reliance on regional partners and improvement of the forms and methods of its implementation; significantly reducing the level of tension in the region. When implementing these tasks, the Biden administration will have to find a balance between the proclaimed principles of its foreign policy in the region and the existing realities and traditions, especially among the Arab countries of the region.
N. Zaletok
Problems of World History pp 107-118; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-3

Abstract:
Comparative studies on the experiences of female representatives of different countries in WWII remain relevant today. They not only deepen our understanding of the life of women at war, but also allow us to explore the power regimes of different states at one stage or another. After all, the government organized the activities of various groups of the population aimed at winning the war. Women were no exception in this respect, regardless of whether they worked in the rear or defended their homeland with weapons in hand. For centuries, the navy for the most part represented a purely masculine environment, and the presence of a woman on a ship was considered a bad omen. However, the scale of hostilities during the world wars and, as a consequence, the need for a constant supply of personnel to the armed forces made their adjustments – states began to gradually recruit women to serve in the navy. The article compares the experiences of Great Britain and the USSR in attracting women to serve in the navy during WWII. The countries were chosen not by chance, as they represent democracy and totalitarianism, respectively, and studying their practice of involving women in the navy can deepen our knowledge of these regimes. After analysing the experience of women’s service in the navy in 1939-1945, the author concludes that their recruitment to the navy in Great Britain took place through a special organization – the Women’s Royal Naval Service (WRNS). Its personnel were trained mostly separately from men and then sent to military units of the navy. The USSR did not create separate women's organizations for this purpose; women served in the same bodies as men. The main purpose of mobilizing women to the navy in both the USSR and Great Britain was initially to replace men in positions on land to release the latter for service at sea. However, in both countries there were cases when women also served at sea. The range of positions available to them in the navy expanded during the war, and in the USSR reached its apogee in the form of admission of women to combat positions. In Great Britain, women in the navy did not officially perform combat roles, and there was a ban on them from using lethal weapons.
L. Chekalenko
Problems of World History pp 164-178; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-7

Abstract:
To answer the question of what is public history, let's turn to its origins. The emergence of academic history in the nineteenth century, now called official, was associated with the separation of history from other fields of knowledge. At that time, it was believed that without a professional historical education, it was impossible to be an erudite and intelligent person, and to tell the past objectively and truthfully. Otherwise, these stories would resemble myths and fairy tales. Over time, history gradually became a scientific discipline, as well as an ideological science, as its primary task during the rapid kaleidoscope of changes in various political regimes was to educate ideologically savvy professionals for state-building. Thus, historical science was formed during the creation of nation-states and affirmed the national identity of different social and ethnic groups that formed one nation. What prompted recent history to approach man as the object of study? In our opinion, interest in man - a phenomenon of any civilization has existed since Hellenic times, and in the era of authoritarianism and totalitarianism has been replaced by interest in power and strength. Such a change, unfortunately, led to the tragic consequences of the First and Second World Wars. The disproportionately heavy burden of the tragedies of the Second World War and the emergence of new threats to world security in the bipolar period forced two opposing ideological camps to understand the need for dialogue, finding common ground and finding consensus in peace building. The Helsinki process began, and cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union deepened in strategic areas: space and high technology. Security levers have been strengthened, and a regional security structure, the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE / OSCE), has been established in the European dimension. Civilizational exchange contributed to the growth of education of the population, the deepening of the intellectual component of society. At the center of the state and history was an intelligent man – Homo Sapiens, who felt his significance for the world, history and the future. World wars have forced historians to rethink the meaning of life, its fragility and vulnerability. And the deep political, economic, and social world crisis of the 1970s drew the attention of historical science to the person. Oral history, new social history, public history, etc. appeared. The philosophical and social sciences began to study individual social groups – women's society, religious communities, working and student youth, etc. With the growth of interest in the person, the interest in history as it is, without ornaments and artificial exaggerations, the history of ordinary people and places, increased.
A. Bulvinskyi
Problems of World History pp 119-130; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-4

Abstract:
The article analyzes the main policy directions towards Tajikistan, neighboring countries of Central Asia and culturally related to the Tajiks of the Middle East towards Tajikistan. The civil war in Tajikistan between supporters of the country’s secular and religious paths of development (1992-1997) caused mixed attitudes and policies on the part of various state, political and religious circles in Afghanistan. However, after it became clear that the struggle between secular and Islamist forces in Tajikistan could destroy the country as such, the culturally and linguistically close to the Tajiks political elite of Afghanistan (B. Rabbani and A. Masood) and Iran (A. Rafsanjani) made significant efforts to end the civil war in Tajikistan as mediators and expressed interest in the sustainable development of Tajikistan. In the 2000s, Iran abandoned attempts to influence Tajik policy in order to promote the establishment of a religious state in Tajikistan, turning to cooperation with the secular Tajik authorities in the economic sphere. Important issues complicating relations between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are the construction by Tajiks of large hydropower plants on mountain rivers, which Uzbekistan considers a threat to national security, and unresolved border disputes, which are a source of constant aggravation in Kyrgyz-Tajik. In general, Tajikistan has complex problems of various kinds with most of its neighbors (with Afghanistan - drug trafficking and Islamic influences, with Uzbekistan - water energy, with Kyrgyzstan - border), which prevent bilateral relations to reach a new level of quality.
O. Prysiazhniuk
Problems of World History pp 179-195; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-8

Abstract:
The German Museum of Outstanding Achievements in Natural Science and Technology in Munich was founded in 1903. For three years its founder electrical engineer Oskar von Miller collected an extensive collection of historical and technical exhibits, and in 1906 the museum was opened to the public. The German Museum in Munich demonstrated for the first time that not only artists, but also technicians created masterpieces, not only philosophers, but also inventors had ingenious ideas, not only medieval objects, but also modern technology is a relic. O. von Miller formulated the most important motives and goals of the museum as follows: documentation of the role of technology for the development of society and culture; the implementation of an educational function in the presentation of technology, the achievement of a national status. The didactic principles of organizing exhibitions in the museum served to popularize natural science laws, to visually demonstrate the functional application of technical inventions. The presentation of technical objects was qualitatively different from the exhibition principles of other technical museums. Demonstration of old technologies and historical machines in action was already the norm in museum work. O. von Miller set the task of the museum to explain the technology of manufacturing technical products, such as watches, fabrics, and so on, for which fragments of workshops and factories were reproduced in exhibitions. For the first time in a technical museum, in addition to the traditional chronological display of technical inventions, the principle of operation of machines and apparatus was explained by means of experiments conducted with exhibits by visitors and museum staff. This function was extremely new for the technical museum and was nevertheless carried out mainly by the public, mainly students and young people.
O. Oliynyk
Problems of World History pp 131-146; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-5

Abstract:
In the 21st century, China has significantly strengthened its role in world historical processes. In 40 years of reform and openness, China has not only become a world leader in economic development, it has also become an active player in the world political arena. China began to show greater interest in world development and at the same time began to actively integrate into the world community, seeking to prove the global benefits of cooperation with China. The Chinese leadership believes that China cannot stand aside from world processes and, like the rest of the world, be held hostage to the policies of other countries and bear the brunt of all the negative consequences of such policies. As a result, it was taken a course for active integration with the world community and strengthening China’s participation and influence in world processes. For this purpose, several strategic strategies have been developed to achieve a specific goal, including “going abroad”, “globalizing”, “internationalizing” and others. At the same time, the strengthening of integration processes in the world could not leave the country’s leadership indifferent, so China began to pay more attention to participation in both global and regional integration processes. One such area was China’s accession to the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in 1991. These areas have identified three key aspects of the Asia-Pacific Dream concept: development and economic cohesion, the unification of Asia with an emphasis on harmony, mutual benefit and prosperity in the region. The China Asia-Pacific Dream initiative aims to maintain stable and friendly partnerships with neighboring countries in order to build mutual trust. China has identified a number of common challenges that the parties must address in order to build an Asian community. China hopes to work with its partners to create a beautiful region that will lead the world, benefit all parties and bring prosperity to future generations. In this context, the Chinese leadership has identified a number of areas for development for the Asia-Pacific region.
M. Fesenko
Problems of World History pp 7-25; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-1

Abstract:
The article examines the problems and prospects of the consolidation of the international order. The thesis that the global systemic crisis is a counter phase or a crisis of consolidation of the international order, which must be overcome by the joint efforts of participants of international relations in order to maintain the stability of the international system and prevent its destruction, is justified. The sustainable development of the modern international system depends on the consolidation of participants in the international order and the deepening of constructive cooperation between its participants. The interconnectedness of numerous crises leads to the intensification of the global system crisis. Its presence is a logical result of the global development of the system of international relations. Among the main elements of the global system crisis one can distinguish the financial crisis, economic crisis, environmental crisis, demographic crisis, global governance crisis, security crisis, energy crisis, global climate crisis. The inability of participants of the international system to regulate global crisis is evidence of a global governance crisis. All these crises, as the most important elements of the global system crisis, shape its structure, reflect its essence and make it holistic. The combination of interdependent crises complicates the overcoming of the global system crisis and strengthens it. Therefore, the global governance crisis is both the cause and the consequence of the global system crisis, which in turn indicates the turbulent state of the international system, in which it is impossible to clearly determine its further development. It is proved that the inability of the participants of the international system to consolidate themselves in accordance with the scale of global political transformations is one of the reasons for the emergence and deepening of the global systemic crisis. The presence of a complex of global crisis phenomena and the lack of effective institutional mechanisms to overcome them in synergetic unity reinforce the effect of each other, which deepens the global systemic crisis. Overcoming it depends on the degree of consolidation of the international order, which aims to improve the mechanisms of global governance of the international system. The basis of a consolidated international order could be a reformed UN with expanded powers or another global international organization. The global systemic crisis requires the search for tools and factors that will help to stabilize socio-economic and political relations and to rethink the forms and mechanisms of effective global governance.
V. Soloshenko
Problems of World History pp 196-208; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-9

Abstract:
Presented article has been written based on the report, which was delivered at the International Workshop “The Cultural and Academic Relations between the Eastern Bloc Countries and the West during the Cold War Period” organized by the Ohara Institute for Social Research/Hosei University (Tokyo, Japan) in cooperation with the State Institution “Institute of World History of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine” (Kyiv, Ukraine) and Jagielonian University (Krakow, Poland).In order for reading this article to be more accessible for the scholars of post-Soviet countries, far and near abroad, the author, on exceptional basis, used Russian as the language of her research. Because exactly Russian was the language of learning of the author’s Japanese colleagues, professors from the Hosei University / Tokyo and other universities during their studying in the USSR in the Cold War years.The article underlines that accession of Ukraine to the Soviet Union as the Union Republic-co-founder and its commitment to the establishment of the new social and economic system involved a series of public transformations. In the Soviet Union, the industrialization, collectivization, and cultural revolution were conducted, numerous universities, scientific institutions, theatres, and other culture centers were opened. Soviet culture, as officially defined, served the purpose of construction of a socialist society. At the same time, the cultural policy of the Soviet Union had not only the objectives of changing public consciousness, covered the principles of liquidation of private property and repudiation of religion, but also, on the base of communist ideology, it was intended to provide a formation of the «New Soviet Man». The author demonstrated the Cold War influence on the culture of the USSR. The research highlighted that the development of new industries and scientific discoveries of global significance by the Soviet scientists enabled to use to a greater extent of human achievements for further progress and cultural wealth accumulation. The article deals with the achievements and loses in the process of Ukrainian national identity assertion.
M. Derzhaliuk
Problems of World History pp 26-106; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-2

Abstract:
The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states. It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe. Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role. It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties. It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance. It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide. Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.
S.A. Fal’Ko
Problems of World History pp 24-52; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-2

Abstract:
This article studies one of the components of the history of modernization processes in the countries of South-Eastern Europe in the latter half of the 19th century – the early 20th century – military modernization. The purpose of research is to analyze the role of foreign military assistance in formation of military forces of Romania, Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro, Albania and Greece. Separate directions of military assistance provided to the countries of South-Eastern Europe in the form of military missions, training of officers in Europe, arms export and other aspects are disclosed. One of the markers of military development during the period in question was the military instructor activity of the developed European countries in the framework of military modernization of possible military allies in these countries. The lower limit of research is the Bosnian crisis in 1908 caused by annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary. The conflict was the reason of rapid militarization of the region. Military missions from the countries of Europe began their activity in Greece, Montenegro, Turkey. Thousands of officers from Balkan army studied in military establishments of Europe. The top limit of the research is the First world war І 1914-1918. The obvious success was attained with modernization of the armed forces of allies by military missions from Germany in Turkey and from France in Romania in that time. The work deals with the process of military modernization, i.e. the activities of military instructor missions of the leading European countries during the interwar period. The time interval of the study ranges within 1908-1918. This was the period marked by modernization of new national armies in Eastern Europe. Military missions played an important role in this complex process. The comparison of the results of transformations provides for better understanding of the regional specifics and concrete results of this form of military modernization of armed forces during the twenty-year interwar period. The method for comparing variations of military modernization of armies of Oriental countries occurring at the turn of the 20th centuries and reorganization of military forces of the countries of South-Eastern Europe is used. This method instantiates results, consequences, failures and success of military modernization. The research is relevant for studying modern processes of military modernization.
M. Derzhaliuk
Problems of World History pp 53-92; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-3

Abstract:
The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. Forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states. It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe. Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, Hungary, Bulgaria. played an active role It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties. It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance. It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide. Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.
V. Soloshenko
Problems of World History pp 190-202; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-9

Abstract:
The article analyzes the activities of the Nazi “Special Mission Linz”, its organization and preparations for the opening of the Fuhrer-Museum in Linz. By A. Hitler’s design, Berlin was supposed to become a kind of Rome, and Linz – to become the European capital of world art. Although this museum was never established, its creation project and precious collections, most of which were seized from Jewish families, deserve a great deal of attention, and the connected with it secrets continue to be a concern of mankind. The crucial role in the selection and formation of the creating museum's expositions was played by its leaders. They took charge of future museum and selected for it the most precious items of the looted collections of Europe, coordinating the process of museum’s filling with Hitler. The author finds out that the Fuhrer-Museum in Linz expositions consisted mainly of art collections of Jews. The main criterion for the selection of valuable pieces of art for the museum was its belonging to the European high art. The article analyzes the components of the “mission’s” activities, outlines the routes of the artworks, which got into the museum collections in different ways. Besides, significant attention is paid in the article to the key figures: architects whose projects were approved by the Fuhrer, leaders of the museum in Linz – art historians and other executors who were directly involved in organizing and conducting of a large-scale looting of cultural property in Europe. The author notes that the purpose of the “Special Mission Linz”, was, inter alia, to find artworks created by masters of “Aryan” birth. The study emphasizes that such kind of museum establishment was an attempt to prove the greatness and steadfastness of the German Reich. It is noted in the article that Hitler was planning to build cultural centers in Königsberg and Drontheim (Norway) during the war. The Fuhrer wanted to establish a museum with cultural property from Eastern Europe in Königsberg, and the artworks of German authors were supposed to decorate the exposition of the newly created museum in Drontheim – the northernmost center of the future Great Empire. The fact that the Fuhrer-Museum in Linz was never built does not give any grounds to reject the facts of systematic looting and confiscation of cultural property that were conducting during many years of Nazi rule.
O. Tsapko
Problems of World History pp 10-23; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-1

Abstract:
The article gives a general description of the phenomenon of populism and political demagoguery through the prism of their historical development. The author pays special attention to the disclosure of the essence of the concepts of “populism” and “political demagoguery”, while defining their common features and differences. In particular, it is noted that despite their outward resemblance, populism and demagoguery are not identical. Thus, populism provides a much less negative way of gaining popularity among the masses than demagoguery, because demagogues speculate on the real problems of their audience, present events, views of the opponent in a false light, resort to falsification of facts. In modern political practice, populism is a much more complex and ambiguous phenomenon, and demagoguery is only one of its many tools and strategies. In this aspect, the concept of “politicking” is close in meaning, which, along with demagoguery, is one of the negative manifestations of populism. The article also makes one of the first attempts to identify the main periods of historical development of populism and political demagoguery, while determining the main directions of their evolution. At the same time, examining populism and political demagoguery in historical retrospect, we can also conclude that the objective conditions for the emergence of these socio-political phenomena were related to the social trend, according to which the masses are only the object of politics. Subjective preconditions for the emergence and spread of populism are caused by the imperfection of the relationship “domination – subordination”, the dominance of mass society. In general, the study concludes that the functioning and prevalence of populism and political demagoguery in modern political systems is characterized by its determinism of cultural, historical, political characteristics of countries.
, O. Myronchuk
Problems of World History pp 203-221; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-10

Abstract:
The authors’ research attention is focused on the specifics of the Australian memorial practices dedicated to the World War I. The statement is substantiated that in the Australian context memorials and military monuments formed a special post-war and post-traumatic part of the visual memory of the first Australian global military conflict. The features of the Australian memorial concept are clarified, the social function of the monuments and their important role in the psychological overcoming of the trauma and bitter losses experienced are noted. The multifaceted aspects of visualization of the monumental memory of the World War I in Australia are analyzed. Monuments and memorials are an important part of Australia’s visual heritage. It is concluded that each Australian State has developed its own concept of memory, embodied in various types and nature of monuments. The main ones are analyzed in detail: Shrine of Remembrance in Melbourne (1928–1934); Australian War Memorial in Canberra (1941); Sydney Cenotaph (1927-1929) and Anzac Memorial in Sydney (1934); Desert Mounted Corps Memorial in Western Australia (1932); Victoria Memorials: Avenue of Honour and Victory Arch in Ballarat (1917-1919), Australian Ex-Prisoners of War Memorial (2004), Great Ocean Road – the longest nationwide memorial (1919-1932); Hobart War Memorial in the Australian State of Tasmania (1925), as well as Villers-Bretonneux Australian National Memorial in France dedicated to French-Australian cooperation during the World War I (1938). The authors demonstrate an inseparable connection between the commemorative practices of Australia and the politics of national identity, explore the trends in the creation and development of memorial practices. It is noted that the overwhelming majority of memorial sites are based on the clearly expressed function of a place of memory, a place of mourning and commemoration. It was found that the representation of the memorial policy of the memory of Australia in the first post-war years was implemented at the beginning at the local level and was partially influenced by British memorial practices, transforming over time into a nationwide cultural resource.
V. Martynenko
Problems of World History pp 93-106; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-4

Abstract:
One of the elements of the “total war” declared by the Nazi leadership in February 1943 was the massive displacement of the civilian population of the occupied Soviet territories to the deep rear. As a rule, these movements were voluntary compulsory. Among those who were also subjected to mandatory evacuation were ethnic Germans, who, as a rule, enjoyed the special patronage of the occupation authorities. Most of them, of course, could not help fearing reprisals after the return of Soviet power and therefore preferred to retreat with the Wehrmacht. As a result, during the first few months of 1943, thousands of refugees of German nationality were quickly evacuated from several occupied regions of the RSFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, and the BSSR. Some of them, by decision of the SS leadership, remained on the territory of the Reichskommissariat “Ukraine”, while others left for the imperial region of Warthegau and the General Government. Despite their very modest scale, these evacuations had at least two main outcomes. First, they became, in a sense, a prototype (especially at the organizational level) of administrative relocations that unfolded in the autumn of the same year on the territory of Ukraine. Some considerations (such as the idea of the concentration of German refugees on the right bank of the Dnieper or in Galicia) would later form the basis for further plans of the Nazi leadership. Secondly, the arrival of a fairly large contingent of Soviet Germans in the Reich required several changes to the legal framework governing the procedure for their naturalization. A significant part of these innovations will determine the fate of the majority of German immigrants from the USSR practically until the end of the war. In the presented article, based on the involvement of a significant array of documents from the archival funds of Germany, the characteristic features of the evacuation of ethnic Germans from the occupied regions of Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus in winter-spring 1943 are considered.
V. Romaniuk
Problems of World History pp 107-132; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-5

Abstract:
The article examines the features of historical development of Venezuela since the proclamation of the country’s independence at the beginning of the 19th century up to the modern period of governing by the Venezuelan presidents Hugo Chavez and Nicolas Maduro. The article pays a special attention to an important event in the history of Venezuela - the 1914 discovery of a giant oil field in the region of Maracaibo Lake, Venezuela’s implementation and further development of the so-called oil-containing model and the impact of the oil and gas production and processing of carbon resources on the socio-political situation in the country and well-being of the Venezuelan people. The period of the reign of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez (1998-2013) has been studied in more detail. The general thesis of the doctrine of the “Bolivarian revolution” have been considered and certain provisions end attainments of the program to construct the “Bolivarian socialism”, have been detected certain achievements and problems of implementing the participatory democracy in Venezuela. Certain foreign policy initiatives of the president and specific steps aimed at achieving the leading role in the region of Latin America and the Caribbean have been analyzed. The article highlights anti-Americanism as a peculiar trend of Hugo Chavez’s foreign policy and the sentiments of Venezuelan society, the peculiarities of Venezuela-Ukraine bilateral relations development have been emphasized. It has been concluded that it is advisable to further study the experience of creating the state and carrying out reforms in Venezuela for its possible further use in the development of our state, as well as using certain Venezuelan approaches regarding its leadership in the region of Latin America and the Caribbean in order to enhance and strengthen the role of Ukraine in the European regional cooperation.
A. Bulvinskyi
Problems of World History pp 150-171; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-7

Abstract:
In the article there has been made the analyzes of reflection ideological bases of foreign political and governmental positioning of Tajikistan in its’ doctrine documents. The main blocks of our analyzes was historical bases of Tajik statehood; the place and a role of Tajikistan in the world history, the place of the country in the modern world and features of understanding of the world trends of development; the place of water diplomacy in foreign political positioning of Tajikistan. It was found, that important part of official ideological concept of Tajikistan was the appeal in way of Aryan origin of Tajiks, the heritage of government of the Samanids and the losses of the “original” Tajik’s territories. It was state that during 1990s until 2010s, doctrine understanding of Tajikistan about their place in the evolutionary region in the spot of the mission of historical civilization of Tajik’s nation regarding to other population of the region. Important elements of the ideology of Tajikistan’s foreign policy positioning in the 1990s were the secular nature of the development of this Muslim state, elected during the 1992-1997 civil war, and the need for international assistance due to the country’s poverty and underdevelopment. In the doctrinal documents of the first half of the 2000s, the provision on poverty was combined with the thesis of the injustice of world development, which is dominated by the West, and the negative impact of globalization, which fuels the confrontation of civilizations. Since the mid-2000s, there has been a doctrinal rethinking of the role and place of Central Asia in the world - from a backward and troubled region to a clash of global interests and an economically important region of the world, dominance of great powers. By proclaiming a multi-vector open door policy in 2002, Tajikistan has doctrinally broadened its horizons of engagement with the world, going beyond the discourse of cooperation only with neighboring Muslim countries and Russia.
O. Demenko
Problems of World History pp 172-189; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-8

Abstract:
The article analyzes the foundations of the formation of the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan, which, first of all, are influenced by the traditions of the historical development of this country, its geopolitical location in the center of the Eurasian continent, transport and communication potential and the presence of large reserves of natural resources. It is emphasized that in modern Kazakhstan there is still no holistic perception of many historical events and processes, in particular those that were hushed up during the imperial and Soviet periods. At the same time, in the scientific discourse of the country, there is a rethinking of national history through criticism of the previous historical experience. It is noted that after the formation in the middle of the fifteenth century. In the Kazakh Khanate, the progressive development of statehood was replaced by a period of struggle against foreign invaders – first the Dzungars, and then the Russian Empire. It ended with the loss of statehood, the struggle for the restoration of which is presented in the form of a teleologically constructed narrative of the heroic struggle for independence, which includes a number of historical events and periods. The process of modern nation-state building in Kazakhstan is based on the consolidating role of the titular nation, which contributes to the growth of interest in historical issues and is accompanied by a gradual loss of the influence of Soviet-Russian narratives in political and historical discourse. A feature of the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan is a multi-vector approach, which has developed historically and is designed to ensure a balance between various geopolitical centers of power. The priorities of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy are determined: the development of allied relations with the Russian Federation, a comprehensive strategic partnership with the PRC, an expanded strategic partnership with the United States, strategic relations with the Central Asian states, an expanded partnership and cooperation with the European Union.
I. Vietrynskyi
Problems of World History pp 133-149; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-6

Abstract:
The paper focuses on the initial stage of the formation of the Commonwealth of Australia, and the process of its establishing as an independent State. The international political context for the development of the country, from the period of creation of the Federation to the beginning of the Second World War, is primarily viewed. The Commonwealth’s international position, its place and role in the regional and global geopolitical processes of the early XX century, in particular in the context of its relations with Great Britain, are analyzed. The features of the transformation of British colonial policies on the eve of the First World War are examined. The specifics of the UK system of relations with Australia, as well as other dominions, are being examined. The features of status of the dominions in the British Empire system are shown. The role of the dominions and, in particular, the Commonwealth of Australia in the preparatory process for the First World War, as well as the peculiarities of its participation in hostilities, is analyzed. The significance of the actions of the First World War on the domestic political situation in Australia, as well as its impact on dominions relations with the British Empire, is revealed. The history of the foundation of the Australian-New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) and its participation in imperial forces on the frontline of the First World War is analyzed. The success and failure of its fighters, as well as the role of ANZAC, in the process of formation an Australian political nation are analyzed. The economic, humanitarian and international political consequences of the First World War for the Commonwealth of Australia are examined, as well as the influence of these consequences on the structure of relations between the dominions and the British Empire. The socio-economic situation of the Commonwealth of Australia on the eve of World War II, in particular the impact of the Great depression on the development of the country as a whole and its internal political situation in particular, is analyzed. The ideological, military-strategic and international political prerequisites for Australia’s entry into the Second World War are being considered.
M. Derzhaliuk
Problems of World History pp 122-155; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-7

Abstract:
The article notes that the Trianon Peace Treaty of June 4, 1920 between the Entente countries and Hungary, as a result of the First World War, turned out to be, like all the other six treaties of the Versailles system, mostly unfair. In the forcibly the territory of Hungary decreased by 2/3, the population decreased 2,7 times, a third of the Hungarian ethnic group became part of neighboring states. It is noted that during 1920-2020. In Hungary, there were no powerful political forces of various trends and trends that would recognize the Trianon Peace Treaty as just. At the same time, the ruling political elites of the neighboring states of Hungary considered and still consider the conditions of the Trianon fair. Such opposite assessments of the consequences of Versailles engendered antagonism, making it impossible to reach a compromise between the countries of Central-Eastern Europe. Attention is drawn to the fact that during the domination in Europe of the coalition of countries led by Germany of the Versailles Peace Treaty, including the Trianon, were dismantled, a new order was introduced, in which opponents of Versailles – Germany, Italy, Japan, the USSR, played an active role. Hungary, Bulgaria. It is noted that the winners of the World War ІІ restored the borders of the countries of Germany’s allies in Europe, in accordance with their own geopolitical interests, which corresponded by 70% to the borders established by the Entente after the World War І. The Trianon borders were restored over Hungary by the Paris Peace Treaty of February 10, 1947. The USSR, Great Britain, France and the United States acted from a hegemonic position, were guided by the right of the winner and in many respects imposed on the defeated countries the conditions of the Versailles system were discredited, did not draw proper conclusions and did not build international relations on principles close to justice, but preserved the complicated territorial contradictions of the past with the corresponding treaties. It is indicated that the threat of assimilation and disappearance of foreign Hungarians is one of the main reasons for the revitalization of modern Hungary. Measures to overcome the syndrome of the dismemberment of the Hungarian nation in Central-Eastern Europe have been going on for centuries with little results; The rate of decline in the number of Hungarians in neighboring states over the past century is the highest, so Budapest believes that there is no time to delay the introduction of autonomy for foreign Hungarians, because in the next 25 years the very need for it will disappear through their disappearance. It is emphasized that the level of ensuring the rights of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia especially affects the relationship of Hungary with Ukraine. The improvement of relations between Hungary and Ukraine has minimal chances, since the positions of the parties on the procedure for the application of educational and language laws in Transcarpathia do not coincide. Taking into account the decisive activity of Hungary and the Hungarian foreign communities in 2020 (the century of the signing of the Trianon Peace Treaty on June 4, 1920), it is concluded that this problem will not only not lose its relevance, but will significantly increase.
O. Zernetska, O. Myronchuk
Problems of World History pp 208-224; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-11

Abstract:
The authors’ research attention is focused on the specifics of the Australian memorial practices dedicated to the World War I. The statement is substantiated that in the Australian context memorials and military monuments formed a special post-war and post-traumatic part of the visual memory of the first Australian global military conflict. The features of the Australian memorial concept are clarified, the social function of the monuments and their important role in the psychological overcoming of the trauma and bitter losses experienced are noted. The multifaceted aspects of visualization of the monumental memory of the World War I in Australia are analyzed. Monuments and memorials are an important part of Australia’s visual heritage. It is concluded that each Australian State has developed its own concept of memory, embodied in various types and nature of monuments. The main ones are analyzed in detail: Shrine of Remembrance in Melbourne (1928–1934); Australian War Memorial in Canberra (1941); Sydney Cenotaph (1927-1929) and Anzac Memorial in Sydney (1934); Desert Mounted Corps Memorial in Western Australia (1932); Victoria Memorials: Avenue of Honour and Victory Arch in Ballarat (1917-1919), Australian Ex-Prisoners of War Memorial (2004), Great Ocean Road – the longest nationwide memorial (1919-1932); Hobart War Memorial in the Australian State of Tasmania (1925), as well as Villers-Bretonneux Australian National Memorial in France dedicated to French-Australian cooperation during the World War I (1938). The authors demonstrate an inseparable connection between the commemorative practices of Australia and the politics of national identity, explore the trends in the creation and development of memorial practices. It is noted that the overwhelming majority of memorial sites are based on the clearly expressed function of a place of memory, a place of mourning and commemoration. It was found that the representation of the memorial policy of the memory of Australia in the first post-war years was implemented at the beginning at the local level and was partially influenced by British memorial practices, transforming over time into a nationwide cultural resource.
O. Romanenko
Problems of World History pp 156-171; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-8

Abstract:
The article examines the Australia’s migration policy, the stages of its formation and development, the current situation. There are three stages of Australia’s post-World War II migration strategy: assimilation policy, integration policy, and a policy of cultural diversity and multiculturalism. This policy is regulated by the Australian Department of Immigration. Since its inception, the name of the Department has been changed more than ten times, reflecting the main directions of its activities and functions during these periods. Summing up the results of the article, it can be said that the first head of the Department of Immigration in 1945 had promoted mass British immigration, proclaiming the slogan “Populate or Perish”, however the policy on immigrants and the name of the Department changed over time. In March 1996, the name of the institution had changed to the Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, whose slogan was “Enriching Australia through migration”. The main idea of immigration strategy was to create a multicultural country with strong potential due to its diversity. In 2007, the concept of multiculturalism was excluded from the name of the structure; more emphasis in the work of the Department was placed on the recognition of national identity, based on a number of core values, which still contribute to the development of a multicultural society. And in 2017 Department of Home Affairs was officially established, which today deals with all migration issues. The country has an Australian migration program at the beginning of the XXI century, which provides several main reasons why citizens of another country can enter the continent for long-term residence: student’s, qualified immigration (taking into account the professional experience, skills or qualifications required by Australian economy at the time), family reunification (family members living in Australia), special circumstances (return of Australian citizens who have previously left the country). There is also a humanitarian program for refugee’s migration and adaptation to Australian life.
V. Ilin
Problems of World History pp 30-44; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-2

Abstract:
The article examines the concept of memory studies, which is a separate discipline that studies and analyzes memory issues. The phenomenon of memory is an important part of life, although not presented as a necessary condition of mental activity. Memory, the author notes, is a way for people to construct their past through books, movies, documents, ceremonies, and so on. In memory studies, memory arises in various aspects – collective, social, cultural, genetic, and historical. The reason for claiming a worldwide "memory age" is criticism of official versions of history, the return of memory to communities and peoples whose history has been ignored, the activation of various memorial events, and more. It is shown that a social and cultural construct collective memory retains the authentic past as its version and serves as a means to achieve certain goals. Collective memory is in constant change, which is nonlinear, irrational, and not always subject to logical analysis. New events and ideas affect the perception of the past, and patterns of interpretation of the past determine the understanding of the present. The relation between collective and individual memory appears as the relation between memory and history. The primary function of historical memory is to form an identity. The development of memory studies distinguishes the political, functional, cumulative memory that use the past to shape national identity. The context of historical memory includes the concepts of "oblivion", "custom" and "tradition" that help to identify the turning points of history as they are indicators of the emergence of a new society. Historical memory is a tool for using the past to achieve goals dictated by the current situation. Mobilizing memory and collective perceptions of the past has been an integral part of the political process in recent centuries.
O. Demenko
Problems of World History pp 190-207; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-10

Abstract:
The article analyzes the reasons and consequences of the spread of the ideology of left populism in Greece. It has been established that the success of the SYRIZA Coalition of Left Radical Forces, which was in power in Greece during 2015-2019, was facilitated by a number of factors. The most important among them: the popularity of leftist ideas in the social and political space of Greece; the traditions of populism inherent in most of the country’s political forces; unbalanced fiscal policy, structural macroeconomic imbalances, low statistical reliability and significant government debt; the world economic crisis of 2008-2009; deterioration of social standards and demographic indicators, the spread of unemployment; negative impact of the migration crisis; the tough position of Greece’s creditors, on whom public opinion blamed the country’s socio-economic problems. It is noted that the phenomenon of left populism in Greece was the fact that immediately after the victory in the elections, SYRIZA, sandwiched between the demands of creditors and the real state of the economy, abandoned radical left populist ideas and was forced to pursue a neoliberal economic policy. Already in 2016, the country returned to slow economic growth, and in 2018 the financial assistance program was completed. However, due to the failure to fulfill its own campaign promises, SYRIZA lost power in the 2019 elections and took a centrist place in the Greek political system. A significant merit of the SYRIZA Coalition of Radical Left Forces was the successful resolution of an almost thirty-year dispute with North Macedonia over the name of the latter. The opinion is substantiated that for Ukraine the main conclusion from the analysis of the Greek events of the early XXIst century is the realization of the fact that the complex problems of a political and socio-economic nature that face our country do not have a simple and quick solution. To achieve success, Ukraine must consistently defend its own national interests, strengthen sovereignty and independence, and pursue a balanced budgetary and financial and economic policy.
I. Khyzhnyak
Problems of World History pp 91-103; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-5

Abstract:
The publication consists of the two parts. The first one has the characteristic features of the premier Constitution of Australia, which at that historical period, had to be considered as an intervening stage to obtain targeting independence and sovereignty so urgently strived for by that country. The key purpose for the country forming matter of the foregoing basic statute book was to ensure a juridical versatility of the machinery of the new state. The main plot of this principal legal document seemed to point out the presence of a certain dilemma along with its subjectly indexed initially forming constituents. Their first part was of an juridical content. The Constitution of Switzerland was chosen as an optional example and exposed it in the form of a full-scaled replica for the basic principal law of the above-mentioned country. The second part of it was lavishly marked with its clear-cut specific and historical character and called upon to faithfully reproduce a certain «safety cushion» to ensure successfully achieved harmony in operating the whole mechanism of the State government. The second part of the publication is dedicated to the historical activity of forming and developing of a certain rationally consistent formal and informal institutions as well as their impact on specific and historical determining elements to construct a new country in the Southern continent. So, as it is known, politics as a fundamental stuff of art gatherings inside all possible potentials define primarily means and resources of an entire compromise. And due to that its basic political model preferred by authoritative commanding establishment appeared to be as a perfect tool for veritable consensus. So, the mentioned pattern had been originated and settled with “a political treasure house” as well as being received by the Australian liberals as an inheritage from their British counterparts. And starting from that historical period and onwards among other rhetorical earnings of the local authoritative officers there had been occurring a firm political credo: “We’re always ready to make a compromise!”. And therefore the whole number of parties as well as the entire Australian political milieu, over the first decade of the XX-th century, inspite of all rather sharp confrontations among liberals, laborites, conservatives, social reformers, socialists and others, had also been keeping on to follow almost half of a century long historically lasted tour. And all that was performed to the key official political course responsive to the State’s national interests.
V. Tkachenko, V. Yakuba
Problems of World History pp 11-29; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-1

Abstract:
The article is a study of the wars of historical memory. The process of increasing use of the historical past in the public life of the present is considered. History has become a political tool through which one or another socio-political system is legitimized or delegitimized. In a number of countries, laws have been passed to punish those who write “wrong”. Real “wars of historical memory” have broken out in international relations. The ethnicization of history and the establishment of narratives about one’s own nation as exclusively a “victim of history” are gaining momentum, which requires special treatment and appropriate compensation. In particular, the initiators of the proclamation of “wars of historical memory” in different countries are not the same. Remembrance wars are often declared at the highest level, involving officials, including heads of state, who “rebuff” and “put in place the wrongdoers”, reminding the nation of the nation’s incurable wounds and the terrible crimes of its neighbors. Objectively, the question of the social motives of the “wars of historical memory” is brewing. The authors share the view that the main reason is the escalation of the confrontation between Russia and the collective West. Historical politics, which has taken the form of “wars of historical memory”, is a symptom rather than a cause of this confrontation. It has been analyzed that the politicization of historical memory often leads to negative consequences, and there is no easy way out of this situation. And it is difficult to find that decisive link, undertaking which it would be possible to pull out the whole chain of pressing problems. At the same time, it must be acknowledged that the controversy over the role of the Soviet Union in World War II has not been annihilated, but has intensified amid escalating tensions between East and West. Summarizing the evolution of “wars of historical memory” to a sharp aggravation, Marlene Laruel noted: “I interpret the wars for historical memory between Poland, the Baltic states and Ukraine, on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, as narrative «related to the exclusion of Russia from Europe or inclusion in it”.
I. Tkachenko
Problems of World History pp 172-189; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-9

Abstract:
In the article the experience of post-socialist transformation in the Slovak Republic after the Velvet Revolution and gaining of independence after the collapse of Czechoslovakia in 1993 was examined. The process of reforming of the society and state, the transition from the communist to the western model of economy, the role of public sector on the path to EU and NATO accession were investigated. It was defined that the reforming of authorities, society and the state, which had already begun in the common state of Czechs and Slovaks under the leadership of V. Havel in 1990-1992, had a great value for the formation of independent Slovakia, because, despite some differences, the European destination became a key point which determined the process of accelerated modernization and the transition from planned socialism to a free market relation. It was determined that the «peaceful divorce» with Czech Republic had become one of the most important steps on the way for successful European integration of Slovakia. The key role of civil society in the transforming of Slovak state and overcoming the negative consequences of the dominance of communist ideology on the path of European and Euro Atlantic integration was represented. The public sector has become a driving force that guided Slovak society towards accelerated modernization in 1998-2006. It was shown the process of struggle of the European choice supporters with pro-Russian policy of V. Meciar, whose period should be generally considered as a «Slovak kuchmism». The final victory of pro-European forces in the 1998 elections led to the acceleration of modernization processes in Slovakia, implementation of required changes in society and state managing necessary for EU and NATO accession.
I. Vietrynskyi
Problems of World History pp 68-90; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-4

Abstract:
The article examines the prerequisites for the creation and early stages of development of the Commonwealth of Australia from the founding of the first European colonies prior to the legal formalization of the federation. Also mentioned are the variability of approaches to the development of Australia’s historiography, in particular from the positions of classical English and modern Australian views. Also, the early stages of the development of the continent that preceded the discovery of Australia by Europeans are considered. It analyzes the wide context of geopolitical processes in Europe in the era of imperialism (XVI-XIX centuries), as well as the circumstances of the formation of large colonial empires. In particular, features of the status, place and role of England in the international political processes of the XVIІ and XVIII centuries are shown, and the stages of the formation of the British colonial empire are also considered. The complex of internal socio-economic as well as foreign policy prerequisites for the beginning of the colonization of Australia by Great Britain is analyzed, in particular the attention paid to the consequences of the British Industrial Revolution XVIII. The stages of formation of the British colonies in Australia, as well as the development of the mainland from the establishment of the first settlement - New South Wales until full control of the continent are investigated. The characteristics of the economic, social, political, demographic and other aspects of the development of Australian colonies are analyzed. The article discusses the evolution of trade and administrative relations between individual colonies, as well as the stages of preparation for the creation of a federation, which was called the Commonwealth of Australia and changed the country's colonial position to the dominion status in the British Empire. Particular attention is paid to the international political processes that accompanied the development of the Australian continent, as well as the role of colonial administrations in regional geopolitical processes, in particular the colonization of New Guinea.
Y. Klymenko, O. Potiekhin
Problems of World History pp 104-121; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-6

Abstract:
At the beginning of the twentieth century, among the European ruling elites, military circles and imperial non-governmental organizations, the force-based approach to the resolution of international conflicts dominated. The emphasis was on the irreconcilable struggle for the so-called “national interests”, the need to change the world for the better, the undoubted advantage of interstate competition over cooperation and the use of force, primarily military. The unconditional priority of the state was the ability to mobilize national resources to protect its “interests”. The Great War to realize geopolitical dreams was a waste of available resources. Its initiators, primarily Germany, were guided by ideological rather than pragmatic considerations, and obtained results that directly contradicted the calculations of their grand strategies. Among the reasons for the war there were no rational ones that solved basic economic, security, social or any other problems. But there were those, who made money in preparation for the war. The decisive factor that triggered the war was the adherence to myths: about exaggerated or fictitious “national grievances”; “the discrepancy between the obtained share of colonial seizures and the weight in the world economy and politics”; “insignificant nations, incapable of contributing to civilizational progress, their destructive nationalism”; “cultural superiority, which, if necessary, must be extended by force”; “windows of vulnerability that should be closed immediately”; “the call of blood, will and fate”, etc. The origins of war are to be found in the views of the rulers, representatives or servants of the old regimes of the dynastic aristocracy. The ruling imperial class was in crisis, it was threatened by social and national upheavals, which is why it was inclined to seek salvation in a victorious war at a “low cost”. But how did the parties to the conflict hope for a quick victory? Indeed, regardless of the type of regime – an absolute or constitutional monarchy, a democratic or an authoritarian state – too often their top leadership was deeply mistaken, in particular in such matters as entering the war, choosing allies and forms, methods and degree of interaction with them. Note that the war in Europe could have happened earlier, because the states constantly threatened each other, and repeated attempts to eliminate the threat of aggression blew up international stability. The efforts of European leaders were not aimed at creating sustainable military capabilities of the allies united by a common strategy to achieve agreed goals. But diplomatic games prevailed: the sides bluffed, tried to play trump cards, which they actually did not have. As a result of the Great War, four empires collapsed: the Austro-Hungarian, Russian, German and Ottoman and the explosion of two of the largest totalitarian revolutions in Europe in the XX-th century – Russian (Bolshevik) and German (Nazi).
O. Kondratenko
Problems of World History pp 45-67; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-3

Abstract:
The issue of Ukraine’s geopolitical status through the prism of historiography and methodological discourse of domestic and foreign scholars is revealed. It is established that in the vast majority of scientific works the geopolitical status of Ukraine is defined as extremely low with a further tendency to deteriorate. It is found out that the decline of Ukraine’s geopolitical status in the international arena began immediately after it acquired non-nuclear status under pressure from Russia and the United States. In the end, the “cassette” and “Kolchuga” scandals caused only a deterioration of both the international image and the geopolitical status of Ukraine. According to the works of leading Ukrainian scholars, the crisis of foreign policy and the decline of geopolitical status of the state were also caused by internal factors. These included the demographic crisis, large-scale corruption and falling GDP, which in turn led to an increase in Ukraine’s negative trade balance. A significant number of scholars link the weakness of Ukraine’s geopolitical status with its complicated geographical location. Thus, we can agree with the most authors that Ukraine is geographically located between the West and the East, as well as at the intersection of strategic interests of three civilizations: Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Islamic. It is this factor, along with Ukraine’s internal problems, that determines the peripherality of Ukraine’s geopolitical position as that of a buffer state. In order to finally transform Ukraine into a “gray” security zone and prevent its rapprochement with the EU and NATO, Russia launched a hybrid war in 2014, as a result of which it annexed Crimea and caused an armed conflict in Donbas. Such actions of Russia led to further weakening of the geopolitical status of Ukraine and its final transformation into an object of policy of powerful international players. In the current circumstances and forecasts, we increasingly share the idea of intensifying the Euro-Atlantic vector of Ukraine’s foreign policy and establishing a strategic security dialogue to strengthen relations with Eastern European neighbors in the framework of the possible implementation of the Baltic-Black Sea project.
V. Dönninghaus
Problems of World History pp 53-77; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-4

Abstract:
The mass exodus of German peasants to Moscow in 1929 attracted international attention to the plight of Soviet Germans. The unexpectedly stubborn resistance of the German rural population to the policy of socialist transformations, his desire to leave the USSR for Canada, accompanied by appropriate calls for the West, reinforced the regime’s distrust of “disloyal” nationalities. As relations between the USSR and Germany worsened, prejudice grew in Moscow against the Germans as an extremely reactionary group of people that discredited the Soviet system in the eyes of the world community. The Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (Bolsheviks) paid great attention to the “emigrants” not only because the periphery was unable to cope with this problem, but also because it was a question of Western national minorities. Moreover, this group, which in an organized manner opposed the policy of the Soviet regime, did not fit into the “class” scheme, since among the German peasants who decided to emigrate from the USSR, there were mainly middle peasants and poor people. The opposition to the Soviet system was not a social, but a national group. The regime resolved this contradiction by ceasing to consider the German peasants engulfed by the “American fever” “neutral” and collectively transferring them to the category of “class enemies”. Against the background of forced collectivization, the Kremlin regarded the mass movement of Germans for leaving the USSR as direct support for the “right deviators”, which gave this movement an “anti-Soviet character”. The belonging of the fugitives and their many supporters to the Western minority prompted the organs of the OGPU to look for the organizers of the emigration movement on the other side of the border. Peaceful emigration of Germans from the USSR turned out to be a specific, but very effective way of protesting collectivization. Its avalanche-like character, as well as the appeal for help to Germany as a “historical homeland” was considered a manifestation of disloyalty to the USSR of the entire German population of the country. Germany’s protectorate policy aimed at protecting the life, property and fundamental rights of its “diaspora” was expressed both in diplomatic pressure on the Kremlin and in specific acts of assistance to Soviet Germans. Such patronage of the Germans in the USSR inevitably aroused fears among the Kremlin leadership that they, especially in the atmosphere of impending war, pose a threat to the security of the state.
O. Demenko
Problems of World History pp 131-147; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-8

Abstract:
The article explores the state and development trends of modern international relations. It is noted that modern scientific thought has not yet developed unified approaches to characterizing the current stage in the development of international relations. At the same time, many scientists and political analysts assess the current state of international relations as a new “cold war”. In support of this position, they point out that in recent years a whole network of clashes, wars and contradictions has developed around the world, at the center of which were disagreements of the same nature as during the years of the first Cold War. At the same time, there is an opinion that the current relations between the West and the Russian Federation cannot be characterized as a new “cold war”. The status of Russia today cannot be compared with the status of the USSR, China is much stronger than the Russian Federation, and the United States remains the dominant force in the world. It is noted that, although the current conflict in many respects differs from the first Cold War, there are a number of general signs that suggest the similarity of modern international relations with the conflict of the previous historical period. The tools that participants in the conflict can use have changed, the role of ideology has decreased, and, on the contrary, the importance of the economy, technologies and the information sphere has increased, nuclear weapons have a different influence and geography, and the processes of globalization significantly affect the dynamics of international relations. But in a sense, the current conflict can be called a continuation of the first Cold War. Ukraine, along with some other post-Soviet countries, has become an arena of confrontation between the collective West and the Russian Federation in the context of the new Cold War. Based on this, the main priority of Ukraine’s foreign policy should be the effective implementation of the European and Euro-Atlantic integration strategy. Joining the Euro-Atlantic security system and approaching Western standards of democracy, law and socio-economic development will be the main guarantee of independence and further progressive development of the Ukrainian state.
V. Tkachenko, V. Yakuba
Problems of World History pp 25-40; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-2

Abstract:
The article is a study of historical memory wars. In particular, the director of the Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies of the School of International Relations named after Elliott, George Washington University (Washington) Marlene Larwell most convexly and provocatively outlined the front of the wars of historical memory: “By identifying who can be labeled a ‘fascist’, we get the perfect Europe”. If Russia is fascist(that is, Putin’s regime can be typified as fascist or the Soviet past, which the Kremlin does not want to condemn, is equivalent to Nazism, as Central and Eastern European states claim), then Russia should be excluded from Europe. In addition, it was analyzed that politics continues to interfere with the interpretation of history, sowing antagonism between peoples. It has been found that “wars of historical memory” have become one of the important components of modern geopolitics, and as such they deserve to be the subject of a separate scientific study. Today, this is especially true to those pressing issues of history that flared up on the eve of the 75th anniversary of the end of World War II. Emphasis is placed on the fact that the problem has matured before, and now has simply entered the phase of “wars of historical memory”, there were anniversary events in Moscow in honor of the 70th anniversary of the Great Victory five years ago (2015). After Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, these celebrations took place without the presence of Western leaders. This was perceived by the Kremlin (or portrayed by him) as an insult and denial of the great victims of World War II – because they often write about the 27 million “Russians”who laid their lives on the altar of Victory. At the same time, the multinational composition of the Red Army is somehow not specified. And this approach does not improve mutual understanding between peoples. The article concludes that history, unfortunately, has become a political tool through which to legitimize or delegitimize a particular socio-political system.
Mykola Fesenko
Problems of World History pp 114-130; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-7

Abstract:
The article analyzes the risks to global security in the face of confrontation, as well as the struggle for world leadership in the United States and China. It is shown that the confrontation and deepening of contradictions between the United States and the People’s Republic of China can lead to a nuclear war. However, many researchers also believe that the image of the Chinese threat is now heavily exaggerated and based on the misunderstanding of China’s intentions. In general, expert and analytical centers are encouraged to start technological cooperation with China, rather than exacerbate confrontation. Therefore, on this day there is no clear answer to the question of whether the PRC really threatens US leadership in the framework of the emerging world order. On the contrary, among scholars, politicians and experts one can see the split that is growing in relation to this problem. Despite the opposite view on the ambitions of the People’s Republic of China to represent serious US competition in all areas, rivalry between countries of the so-called “Group Two” (“G-2”) in the coming years will intensify and more and more to put global security policy tasks. China will be able to pursue a more independent policy than the United States only if it bypasses them in the areas of armaments and high technology. However, it is here that American leadership will remain undisputed for a long time to come. However, many analysts predict China’s world leadership in the next decade or decades, as it may soon surpass the United States in economic terms. However, being the greatest does not mean being the first one. In addition to being the world’s second largest economy, China is still a long way from taking the lead or competing in other areas (military-strategic, technological, social, etc.). It has been proved that the optimal choice for China will not be the desire to forcibly introduce its regional, not to mention global, unipolarity, but to actively enter the multipolar world as a major independent center of power.
T. Perga
Problems of World History pp 41-52; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-3

Abstract:
An analysis of Australia’s governmental policy towards indigenous peoples has been done. The negative consequences of the colonization of the Australian continent have been revealed, in particular, a significant reduction in the number of aborigines due to the spread of alcohol and epidemics, the seizure of their territories. It is concluded that the colonization of Australia was based on the idea of the hierarchy of human society, the superiority and inferiority of different races and groups of people, and accordingly - the supremacy of European culture and civilization. It is demonstrated in the creation of reservations for aborigines and the adoption of legislation aimed at segregating the country's white and colored populations and assimilating certain indigenous peoples into European society, primarily children from mixed marriages. It has been proven that, considering the aborigines an endangered people and seeking to protect them from themselves, Europeans saw the way to their salvation in miscegenation - interracial marriages and the isolation of aboriginal children from their parents. This policy has been pursued since the end of the XIX century by the 1970s and had disrupted cultural and family ties and destroyed aboriginal communities, although government circles positioned it as a policy of caring for indigenous Australians. As a result, the generation of aborigines taken from their parents and raised in boarding schools or families of white Europeans has been dubbed the “lost generation”. The activity of A.O. Neville who for more than two decades held the position of chief defender of the aborigines in Western Australia and in fact became the ideologist of the aborigines’ assimilation policy has been analyzed. He substantiated the idea of the biological absorption of the indigenous Australian race as a key condition for its preservation and extremely harshly implemented the policy of separating Aboriginal children from their parents. It is concluded that the policy towards the indigenous population of Australia in the late XIX – first third of the XX century was based on the principle of discrimination on racial grounds.
O. Oliynyk
Problems of World History pp 78-99; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-5

Abstract:
The article considers the evolution of China’s policy of participation in international development, as well as the periodization of the main stages of development of China’s international relations with the world. It is established that China’s international cooperation and participation in international development have provided China with world recognition and international prestige. As a result of the analysis of the policy of international cooperation, the main priorities, directions and measures of the policy of international cooperation of China were revealed. After the formation of China, the country’s leadership preferred China’s cooperation with the Soviet Union and developing countries. If through cooperation with the USSR, China attracted technology, credit resources and specialists, then by cooperating with developing countries, China provided international assistance to the newly independent countries. Due to differences in political views between the USSR and China on development strategy and foreign policy priorities, relations between the USSR and China were frozen. As a result, China is declaring a policy of «non-alignment». Public diplomacy played an important role in shaping China's positive image in the international arena. As China’s position in the world has strengthened, so do China's tactics of international cooperation with developing countries has also changed. Gradually, China has been transforming from a donor to a global investor. China is becoming an active supporter of the intensification of the globalization of the world economy. It’s revealed China's leadership has been linked China’s future with increased involvement in global governance. China's political circles believe that the world needs greater political coordination, financial integration, infrastructural connectivity, impartial trade and human relations. China is pursuing its vision of global governance in the «One Belt, One Road» global initiative. China sees the future of human civilization in the joint development and creation of a world community of a common destiny.
O. Zernetska
Problems of World History pp 174-200; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-10

Abstract:
This article represents the first attempt in Ukraine of complex interdisciplinary investigation of the history of Australian film development in the XX-th century in the context of Australian culture. Analysing films in historical order the peculiarities of each decade are taken into consideration. The periods of silent films, sound films and colour films are analysed. The best film productions, their film directors and prominent actors are outlined. Special attention is paid to the development of feature films and documentaries. The article concentrates on the development of different film genres beginning with national historical drama, films of the first pioneers’ survival, adventure films. It is shown how they contribute to the embodiment in films of the main archetypes of Australian culture, the development of Australian identity. After World War I and World War II war films appear to commemorate the courage of the Australian soldiers in the war fields. Later on the destiny of the Australian women white settlers’ wives or native Australians inspired film directors to make them the chief heroines of their movies. A comparative analysis of films and literary primary sources underlying their scripts is carried out. It is concluded that the Australian directors selected the best examples of Australian national poetry and prose, which reveal the historical and social, cultural and racial problems of the country's development during the twentieth century. The publication dwells on boom and bust periods of Australian film making. The governmental policy in this sphere is analysed. Different schemes of film production and distribution are outlined to make national film industry compatible with the other film industries of the world, especially with the Hollywood. The area of a new discipline - Australian Film Studios - is studied as well as the works of Australian scholars. It is clarified in what Australian universities this discipline is taught. It is assumed that the experience of Australia in this sphere should be taken by Ukraine.
A. Dobrovolskaya
Problems of World History pp 148-173; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-9

Abstract:
The article discusses the processes of searching for the national identity of the Republic of Moldova during the post-communist transit. The conditions in which the reforms took place in the country and the factors that influenced the directions and priorities of the development of Moldavian society are analyzed. It is shown that the processes of the formation of a political nation in the Republic proceeded in an environment of socio-political crises and conflicts, fluctuations in domestic and foreign policy and had a non-linear wave-like character. The search for national identity in Moldova was accompanied by the emergence of ideological, political and value splits in the political elite and among the masses of Moldavian society, which intensified and softened with a certain frequency. It is stated that the Republic of Moldova is practically the only country in Europe where identification differences were a determining factor in the polarization of political forces, and identity conflicts became a significant factor in political mobilization. It is noted that the incompleteness of the process of national self-identification in Moldova is largely determined by external factors, as a result of which the state acts as an object of influence of more significant subjects of international politics. It is concluded that although the political system of the Republic of Moldova supports the existence of democratic trends, the achievement of value consensus through the creation of a broad dialogue in the public space and general civil discourse remains an urgent task for the national elites. The experience of the political transit of the Republic of Moldova has confirmed the fact that during the formation of political nations there are frequent cases when the confrontation of symbols, meanings and historical dates does not occur between different states, but takes place within society itself. Moldova has become a classic example of an identification split that divides the country into East and West, North and South, whose residents appeal to different versions of national history.
Tetyana Meteliova, Vira Chghen
Problems of World History pp 100-113; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-6

Abstract:
The article is devoted to identifying the role of the Confucian component in shaping China’s foreign policy during the period of “reforms and openness”. The author analyzes the Chinese “soft power” model and its differences from the classical one, the theoretical foundations of which were formulated by J. Nye, and discovers the China’s “soft power” features in foreign policy and establishes its meaningful connection with Confucian values and concepts. The article provides an overview of “soft power” interpretations in the main works of Chinese scholars, examines the reflection of Confucian “soft power” ideas in the state and party documents and decisions of the period of “reforms and openness”, shows the application of Confucian principles in the foreign policy of China. It is shown that the creation of effective Chinese “soft power” tools is becoming a part of a purposeful and long-term policy of the state. Such tools include the swift reform of leading media, TV and radio companies using modern technologies and focusing on foreign audience abroad, promoting China’s traditional and modern culture in foreign cultural markets, increasing China’s presence on the world market, spreading and promoting the Chinese language, “Education Export” and widening educational contacts, economic ties development and scientific and technical cooperation, public diplomacy development, support of the compatriots living abroad. Geopolitically, China’s soft power strategy is focused on developing relations with its close neighbors and creating a security belt around China. It has been proved that modern China seeks to proclaim itself as a new “soft power” center, the creation of which is a part of the State purposeful long-term policy. It is accompanied by the active appeal of Chinese ideologists to the country's traditional cultural heritage and basing of this new foreign policy on the conservative values of Confucianism, which is a kind of civilizational code determining all aspects of social life for China.
Y. Shapoval
Problems of World History pp 7-24; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-1

Abstract:
The article analyzes peculiarities of Ukraine’s memory policy in 2014-2019 in the context of its European integration aspirations. The features of the politics of memory / historical politics in Ukraine are described after the dramatic events of the end of 2013-2014, which were proclaimed as a “Revolution of Dignity” (or “Euromaidan”). These events were also connected with the beginning of Russian aggression in the East of Ukraine, with the beginning of so called “Leninopad” (demolition of monuments to Lenin) and forced decommunization up until 2019. That is, to the changes in the political class of Ukraine related to the election of the 6-th President Volodymyr Zelensky. Undoubtedly, memory policy will change and its content will receive a separate consideration in the nearest future. The author of this article first of all strived to stimulate broader scholarly discussions on this topic. Scientist’s conscience demands to be modest in answering even those questions that appear simple at first sight. The scientific novelty is to summarize the key trends of the memory policy in Ukraine in 2014-2019 and to identify a number of problems that have a negative impact on Ukraine’s European integration process. The article considers Ukrainian experience of memory policy as a mechanism for influencing political reality. Memory policy refers to effective mechanisms for influencing political reality, in particular, to change the degree of social consolidation, citizens’ self-awareness, the formation and strengthening of collective identities. In 2014-2019 the gradual awareness of the effectiveness of these mechanisms caused the increase of interest in collective memory, which was demonstrated by the leaders of the state, politicians, political parties and civil society structures. The formation and implementation of memory policy in Ukraine were getting increasingly conscious and directed. The search for such a model of memory policy, which would be able to promote the consolidation of these groups into a united civil society, to convert a diversity of the images of the past of Ukraine into its resource, not its problem. This is also encouraged by the ongoing Russian hybrid aggression. One of its manifestations appears a permanent imposing on Ukrainians of the imperial-Soviet image of the past by the propaganda structures of the Russian Federation. This is prompted by a well-defined strategy for Ukraine’s European integration. As the experience of 2014-2019 has shown, Ukraine with some of foundations of its historical policy fits quite organically into the pan-European scheme (for example, by strengthening the influence and role of civil society in this area). At the same time, there were some problems during the mentioned period. First of all, they were related to the search for an adequate model of the collective memory, which focuses on the value of the state as a common homeland and a human rights’ guarantee. An important step was 2014 decommunization policy in Ukraine. By condemning totalitarianism (Nazi and Soviet models), it ensured that Ukraine’s public space was cleansed of communist symbolism (though not definitively). At the same time, it has created new risks and new questions that need to be discussed and answered with the obligatory participation of expert scientists.
Yevhen Prypik
Problems of World History pp 7-18; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-1

Abstract:
The article examines the process of formation of an independent Vietnamese state since the Xth century, when the Viet people gained independence in the fight against the Chinese invaders.In 938, the Vietnamese military leader Ngo Quyen liberated the country from the Chinese rule, whichlasted about one thousand years, and founded the Ngo dynasty (939-965). During the reign of the Ly dynasty(1009-1225) Buddhism became the state religion. In 1054, the countryreceived a new name Dai Viet,meaning “Great Viet”, i.e. the name of the country reflected the name of the ethnic group – the Viets, which made up the vast majority of the population of ancient Vietnam.Under this name, Vietnam will be known to the world for more than seven centuries until 1804. The article pays a special attention to the relations between Dai Viet and the country called Champa, which existed in the territory of present-daycentral and southern Vietnam and during its heyday (VIIIth-XIth centuries) occupied up to half of the territory of what is now Vietnam. In 1225, a new Tran dynasty came to power in Dai Viet andruled the country for 175 years. During this period, the Chinese Song Empire remained a main threat in the north of the country, and after the conquest of China by the Mongolsthis place was taken by the Mongol Yuan Empire. Dai Viet had to face the Mongol invasion three times (in 1258, 1285 and 1287-88), and all three times, despite heavy losses and destruction, the Viets managed to defeat the enemy and force his troops to leave the country.During the reign of the Tran dynasty, a system of feudal monarchy was established in the country.Confucianism, the Chinese school of ethics and philosophy, was introduced as a system of principles for the organization of the ancient Vietnamese society and became widespread in Dai Viet. In general, during the reign of Ly and Tran dynasties, the relatively small Dai Viet became a militarily powerful state, capable to resistmuch stronger Chinese and Mongol empires.This created the preconditions not only for preserving the country’s independence and territorial integrity, but also for the further expansion of Dai Viet in southern and western directions.
Alfred Eisfeld
Problems of World History pp 107-137; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-7

Abstract:
The article uses documents covering the process of preparing and conducting by the NKVD bodies of the Ukrainian SSR a massive “German operation” – an integral part of the “Great Terror” in the USSR in 1937-1938. The historical circumstances of the appearance of the order of the NKVD of the USSR No. 00439 of July 25, 1937 and the specifics of its implementation in the Ukrainian SSR are disclosed. They also characterize the methodology for selecting the “contingent” that was repressed (victims of the operation), the technology of conducting mass repressions within the framework of the special operation and their tragic consequences for the German population of Ukraine. As the operation quickly gained momentum, it was not easy for German diplomats to figure out what was happening in Ukraine. But, as follows from the telegram of the German Embassy to Berlin on August 7, 1937, diplomats saw through the general situation in the USSR. They directly linked the arrests of German citizens “with well-known terrorist acts directed against all sections of the local population”. In other words, they saw and adequately evaluated the German component of what would later be called the “Great Terror” from the first days of the German operation. The documents that were used confirm that the tragic aspect of the beginning of the operation was the simplification and acceleration of the so-called “German affairs” investigation. The judiciary, in particular the military tribunals, which were not directly involved in the German operation but were involved in the consideration of cases against people, among whom were Germans – citizens of the USSR, did not lag behind the pace of “work, accused of such serious paragraphs of Article 54 of the Criminal Code of the Ukrainian SSR as treason, espionage, sabotage, terror. The sanction of this article in almost all cases provided for capital punishment – execution, which was widely used in practice. The last point in documenting the repressions against victims of this category was the NKVD bodies reports to the relevant military tribunal about the execution of the sentence of the tribunal. The prosecution authorities and, to a lesser extent, the USSR People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs contributed to the fight against “enemies”. The arrests of some German citizens were coordinated with them.
A. Chalyi
Problems of World History pp 45-60; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-3

Abstract:
Article examines views and current conceptions of theory of modernization applied to the so called “Eastern societies” and more to the Ottoman Empire as the most prominent non-European political actor and one of few states that survives the domination of the “West” during XIX century. Due to its origins in 1960’s, theory of modernization encompassed wide and numerous ideas, theories and concepts in desperate attempt to clarify, how backward and generally weak, comparing to its Eastern neighbors-rivals European civilization (mainly Western European) became economically and so force politically stronger and suddenly turned the tables, enslaved almost all the world for century. Europeans created new or renovate old institutions (frequently in spite of themselves) to became fitter than their competitors in worldwide struggle for wealth, both political and economic. Theory of modernization tries to explain when, how and by whom these changes were incentivized. It took a few decades to create various and rarely views depends on scholar’s scientific methodology and research methods, ideological preferences and ethnicity. Simultaneously, such European-based theories were applied to the non-Western societies due to find out the reasons of their second-rate positions, which appeared obvious to anyone in the last quarter of the XIX century. Author tries to apply a methodic instrument given by theory of modernization to analyze the process of reforms in XVIII century Ottoman Empire and what their efforts in political, economical and moreover mental spheres lead them into a trap of vicious circle of reform. The main question, were the innovations, provided by Ottomans a simple westernization (in the meaning of mindless compilation of European-created institutions) or in was straight purpose to emulate “Western” societies – to become stronger and sufficient, using their own resource and methods.
A. Kudryachenko
Problems of World History pp 92-106; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-6

Abstract:
The article analyzes the three stages of the migration of the German ethnic group into the territory of modern Ukraine, different in nature, character and orientation, and their features are clarified. The author reveals the geography of the first migratory flows of the Goths in the second half of the II century, which went from the Wisla delta to Scythia, and were divided into the western (settled on the right bank of the Dnieper) and eastern. The latter, having settled down near the Sea of Azov, founded the state of Germanarich, and in the IV century, under the pressure of the Huns, the center of life of Goths moved to the Kerch Peninsula, the mountainous region of Crimea, where their state association Gothia existed until the XVIII century. It turns out that in the early Middle Ages there was a second wave of German settlements on modern Ukrainian lands from the West European direction. The expansion of the settlements of Germans and immigrants from other European countries on the lands of Kievan Rus was facilitated by political relations, which were also realized with the help of dynastic marriage unions. The princes of Kiev, pursuing a foreign policy worthy of a great power, have equal relations with the main European states of the medieval world - the Holy Roman Empire (Germany) and Byzantium, they invite priests, German craftsmen and merchants. Starting from the XI century, small German trade colonies appeared in Kiev, Vladimir-Volynsky, Lutsk and other cities. During the Lithuanian-Polish period, the influx of German settlers to Ukrainian lands is increasing. This was facilitated by various benefits and provision of points to the German immigrants by Lithuanian princes and Polish kings. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Magdeburg law was acquired by large trading cities. The third period, the most significant resettlement and colonization, that is, large-scale development of the South of Ukraine - the Sea of Azov, the Black Sea region and the lands of Crimea - begins in the second half - the end of the 18th century. The author emphasizes that this most powerful period and the great positive history of the development of our region is largely connected with immigrants of German origin (and representatives of other ethnic groups). This period becomes a powerful colonization and economic development of the entire South of Ukraine, the rich land of the Azov, Black Sea, Crimea. It is noted that then, on the initiative and real support of the government of tsarist Russia, the development of wide steppe spaces took place, which, together with Ukrainian lands, had recently been transferred to the Russian Empire. Since then, the history of immigrants has become part of the history of the Ukrainian people. The dynamics of the development of German colonies in different provinces of the South of Russia is analyzed separately, the social aspects of the life of settlements, the grave consequences for the colonists associated with the First World War, and revolutionary events in the Russian Empire are indicated. The gains and losses in the national development, in the arrangement, in the administrative division of the German and other settlers, which were the consequences of radical fluctuations in the national policy of the Soviet government in the pre-war period, are revealed.
I. Liubchyk
Problems of World History pp 155-165; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-9

Abstract:
In the article, the author attempts to consider the nature of contemplation of the international community on the deportation of Ukrainians from ethnic lands in Poland during 1944-1946. The author implements this task through archival documentation, which to some extent justifies extensive quotations. Today, the subject of post-war resettlement for Ukrainians and Poles is ambiguous, both in interpretation and in the politics of memory. The deportation of Ukrainians of the borderlands is a conflict of the historical memory of both peoples: Ukrainians want to remember the history which Poles prefer to forget. We learn about the terrible conditions of social adaptation of Polish deportees in the USSR from the epistolary of deportees, which they had been sending abroad in hope that relatives would read the letters. However, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR had been intercepting those letters. In this sense, a conscious part of the local intelligentsia of the region was aware of the passive position of international politicians and the public on the unjustified eviction of autochthonous Ukrainians, but sincerely sought and expected its help. The analysis of The Open Letter of Ukrainians living behind the Curzon line entitled “To the whole civilized world” written in October 1945 convincingly evidences it. Losing hope of voluntary eviction, this letter was a kind of mouthpiece of Ukrainians in the region to the international community, hoping to be heard and supported. The author concludes that the international community did not live up to the hopes and expectations of Ukrainians who found themselves in a “war after war” and gradually lost their native lands, where they were indigenous. The deportation of 1944-1946, the local population from Lemkovschina, became a tragic ethno-political experiment of the USSR and Poland, which Lemkos had to survive in modern times.
O. Mitrofanova
Problems of World History pp 166-180; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-10

Abstract:
The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of the foreign and domestic policies of France in the post-war period. The position of heads of leading states during the Yalta Conference and its implications for France are studied. The general situation in France in the post-war period and the struggle of various political forces are investigated. The participation of France in the founding of the UN, the status of a permanent member of the UN Security Council and the veto is disclosed. The concept of the military policy of General C. de Gaulle is highlighted, which was a consistent doctrine and was already formed in 1949-1955. The article analyzes the Dunkirk French-British agreement on alliance and mutual assistance of March 4, 1947. The factor of the American presence in France and the policy of US assistance to France are considered. The approaches of French politicians to the signing of the North Atlantic Treaty are analyzed. The collapse of the French colonial empire and the concentration of its foreign policy strategy on the development of purely European structures are investigated. It is proved that the potential of France, despite its difficult post-war socio-economic situation, prompted the Allies to take into account its position in world space. However, on the other hand, France’s dependence on assistance, in particular, the Marshall Plan, made it impossible to exclude France from participating in the geopolitical confrontation, which gave rise to the Cold War and made clear its choice. It is summarized that the phenomenon of the rapid restoration of France’s potential after the World War ІІ, the successful spread of “gaullism” are very indicative examples of the significant success of French diplomacy and the role of the individual in history, which is capable of achieving unexpected results. Although in the twentieth century. the prestige of the French language as a language of diplomacy was gradually declining, the maneuvering of France in the setting up of a bipolar world provided this country with a particularly unique place in world politics.
V. Martynenko
Problems of World History pp 138-154; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-8

Abstract:
During the autumn of 1943, a mass evacuation of the German population took place from several occupied regions of Ukraine. One of them was the Zhytomir general district, where at that time more than 40,000 ethnic Germans lived. By early November 1943, its territory came under attack from the advancing Soviet troops. This was the impetus for the evacuation of the local German population. Its main initiator was the civil administration. SS personnel often played a supporting role. The Wehrmacht also took a noticeable part in this operation, especially from transport support. For transportation of the contingent, quite often (and at the beginning of 1944 exclusively), trains were used, which significantly accelerated the evacuation. Carts and vehicles were actively used only during its first phase. According to documents, the vast majority of refugees evacuated voluntarily, as they seriously feared new repressions by the Soviet government. At the same time, there were cases when the occupying authorities resorted to threats and forceful pressure against persons who, for one reason or another, decided to stay. The bulk of the refugees were initially transported to the General District of Volhynia and Podolia. Since January 1944, they were evacuated to the territory of the Bialystok district, where, according to the initial plans of the SS leadership, in the future, they were destined the role of settlers. However, in March 1944, this contingent was completely exported to Warthegau, where it remained until the end of hostilities in Europe. In the framework of this article, based on attracting documents from German archival funds, the organization, the course, and features of the evacuation of the German population from the territory of the Zhytomyr General District in November 1943 – March 1944 are considered.
P. Rudyakov
Problems of World History pp 19-44; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-2

Abstract:
The second part of the article deals with the initial steps of Serbian immigrants in their new homeland after the arrival of their first team, headed by I. Horvath from Austria to Kiev in October 1751. The regulatory framework for the creation and development of New Serbia, the first of two Serbian settlements on the Ukrainian lands of the Russian Empire. It is precisely the imperial decree of December 24, 1751, in which the concept of the organization of the settlement of the Serbian settlers was stated, the first stone was laid for the legislative and regulatory basis on which to equip them in a new place. It is stated that the status of new subjects in this document is defined as “border police”, which is tracing the German term “landmilitia”. It is indicated that in accordance with the decree of the Senate of December 29, 1751, it was decided to establish four regular regiments, “including two Hussars, and two Pandur, each regiment of 4000 people, in which there are 1000 grenadiers of the infantry two regiments”, the boundaries of the new settlement with reference to specific spatial landmarks are detailed, the standards for the extrusion of land for settlements and settlers are defined. The content of another important regulatory document is disclosed – signed in the Senate on January 11, 1752, “The Letter of Appeal to Major General Horvath”, in which the foundations of the organization and functioning of the new settlement are finally settled, practical recommendations are given on most of the practical issues that arose during the preparation and implementation Justification of the Serbs in a new place. The content and features of the Senate "Instructions" to Major General Glebov of February 3, 1752, which contained a number of new provisions aimed at clarifying and developing the settlement project, were examined. Special attention is paid to the relations of Serbian settlers and local residents of the “Dnieper places”, which were neither simple nor good-neighborly. The regulatory framework of the second Serbian settlement on Ukrainian lands - Slavic Serbia – which was commissioned to create I. Shevich and R. Preradovic was analyzed. The course of events related to the beginning of its settlement by Serbian and other settlers is described. The circumstances leading to the end of New Serbia and Slavic Serbia and the completion of the organized resettlement of the Serbs were clarified.
A. Venher
Problems of World History pp 181-205; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-11

Abstract:
The development of national historical science attracts the attention of modern researchers as the study of “roots” allows to understand the current state of affairs in historical science. The study of individual corporations of historians in the areas of their research gives the opportunity to trace the internal state of things in national and world historical science. These studies can be carried due to the involvement and synthesis of a wide range of sources. The study of the corporation of Ukrainian Soviet historians opens additional perspectives to the researcher in expanding the source base. Namely, to promote the creation of new sources - memories. This publication presents the memoirs of the workshop of Dnipropetrovsk vsesvitnyks of the Ukrainian-American historian Serhii Plohii. In the Dnipropetrovsk period of life, the historian was part of it and headed it for some time. Memoirs that are introduced to the scientific circulation are written by the author from several perspectives: the student and the employee, and the third, the autobiographical, which goes through these two perspectives. Serhii Plokhii explains, from the perspective of the student, why he had chosen the department of world history to specialize in, characterizes the relations with his research supervisor Yuriy Mytsyk, and defines how his scientific carrier was influenced by Yakiv Rubin, the head of the department of world history in 1940-1950s. S. Plokhii characterizes the lecturers of the department, particularly the professor Vasyl` Syrotenko. From the perspective of the colleague, Plokhii describes the relations within the scientific community of the department, especially between different generations of lecturers. He characterizes his scientific interests and experience of being lecturer and administrator. Plokhii describes how the new research trend of the department of world history – history of the German Diaspora – emerged, and speaks about the start of PhD research in this field. Plokhii also defined the reasons why he had to abandon the Dnipropetrovsk University and started the academic career abroad.
Y. Dobrolyubska, Oleksii Prysiazhniuk
Problems of World History pp 78-91; https://doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-5

Abstract:
Philhellenism existed in European society long before to the Morea expedition, the latter only exacerbated this tendency. The expedition helped to transform the superficial interest into a scientific interest, since its materials formed a scientific and aesthetic luggage, which remained one of the best for many years for European scientists who were unable to visit the region in person. The ancient Greek ruins aroused the admiration and awe of Europeans who saw in them a largely romanticized past. Officers, soldiers and people of art became the first group to form a collective memory of the past. For them, these events were emotionally colored. When they return home, scientists, artists, and even officers will become carriers and translators of this collective memory in French society. This group was the bearer of information about the monuments and treasures of the ancient Greeks, the key events, the most important details of Greek antiquity – the cradle of European civilization and its values. The scientific Morea expedition was important for the expansion of knowledge about Greece as a country and its ancient heritage. In architecture, sculpture, painting, furniture, and decorative art, ancient Greek motives were actively used – usually in a much romanticized and ornate form. After the expedition, European museums and numerous collectors began to show increased interest in Greek culture. The downside of this interest was the active plundering of the country’s cultural heritage. Another result of the expedition was that science began to be regarded as “politics of the XIX century”.
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