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Elyzabeth Bonethe Nasution, Chrystle Feodore Manlee, Cornelia Kristian, Jezzania Verlyn Christy
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 6; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v6i1.3619

Abstract:
Covid-19 pandemic has opened a new chapter in the International Relations sphere. Its spread is accelerated by the advancement of technology that only globalization has made possible. Among several measures to survive, vaccines are perceived as critical and controversial. The objective of this research is to grasp a better understanding from different perspectives of stakeholders in International Relations, regarding interdependence between developing and developed countries in the international system, using the vaccine. In doing so, this research also analyzes the dynamics in the ASEAN context. Neoliberalism serves as the ore theoretical framework alongside the concepts of interdependence and international cooperation. This research is a qualitative one, using mostly primary data that is gathered from an interview with academicians, researchers, government officials, and students – and secondary data. The results show that the ongoing pandemic has directed developing countries to depend on developed countries with capabilities in vaccines production, including ASEAN member states. The fact that vaccines are even used as a political instrument is found ill-fitted. However, there is still confident that this dependency will move to interdependency once developing countries have found effective strategies in coping with the situation – and it has started.
Harryanto Aryodiguno, Tiara Cornelia
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 6; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v6i1.3530

Abstract:
Since opened in 2011, the number of Chinese students goes to Taiwan for 6 months exchange grew more and more every year. What things that motivate the Chinese student to come to Taiwan? Is it related to the current both country’s political condition? What they been thinking about Taiwan, before and after they came? Will they obtain a new perspective about cross-strait disputes? Will they be the agent of democratic political reform in China in the future?
Daniel Bryan, Muhammad Farid
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 6; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v6i1.3471

Abstract:
The Mediterranean Sea has an attraction for countries that want to control this area. Among them are the abundant energy resources (such as oil and natural gas), have international trade routes that connect Europe, Africa, and Asia, and offer beaches or ports that can be built and operate year-round. Therefore, a superpower country like Russia is interested in becoming one of the actors that dominate this region. Russian activity in this region has occurred since the era of the Russian empire (Tsardom). However, over time, Russia has ambitions to regain control of the area they previously controlled. The Mediterranean region, especially the Eastern Mediterranean, is a strategic area for Russia in carrying out its foreign policy interests where they want to secure natural resource reserves and international trade routes and look for ports that can operate for a full year. This research aims to analyze how Russia's foreign policy interests result in its presence in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. Using qualitative research methods, this research will analyze Russia's presence in the East Mediterranean Sea. This research finds that Russia can demonstrate its presence in the Eastern Mediterranean region by using several political manoeuvres such as the annexation of Crimea, establishing relations with Turkey and Syria, and the use of energy politics in their foreign policy.
Muhammad Ridho Alviora Jaya, Natasya Kusumawardani
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 6; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v6i1.3467

Abstract:
In the beginning of the State of Israel establishment, western countries showed the most support towards the government in Tel Aviv, including Canada. Strong economic partnership between Canada and the State of Israel that was marked by the ratification of Canada-Israel Free Trade Agreement (CIFTA) back in January 1997 which became Canada’s first trade agreement outside the North American area. During the leadership of Canadian Conservative Party Prime Minister Stephen Harper, the agreement began the negotiation of modernization and was done in 2019 during the leadership period of Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. The second phase of negotiations that were held in 2017-2018 during the Trudeau period has included certain provisions that arguably believe to be Trudeau's personal concern. American and Canadian research mostly shows how Canadian’s leader in certain periods gave their support towards Israel to such an extent that they method of building relationship. Therefore, the goal of this paper is to investigate more about the leader's individual factors towards Jewish government. Question about what influence Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's decision making process towards continuing negotiations and the ratification of trade agreement was employed by the Juliet Kaarbo theory of Prime Minister Leadership style. The theory uses five variables to assess leaders’ behavior and personality. Result of this study concludes that there are some variables that have significant roles in explaining the decision-making process of Justin Trudeau during the second negotiations until the ratifications process.
Michelle Michelle, Riski Baskoro
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 6; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v6i1.3469

Abstract:
Gastrodiplomasi adalah diplomasi budaya yang menggunakan makanan sebagai sarana untuk meningkatkan kesadaran terhadap merek sebuah negara. Thailand merupakan negara pertama yang memahami tentang bagaimana menggunakan gastrodiplomasi dan kepentingannya. Pada tahun 2002, sebagai bentuk gastrodiplomasi, pemerintah Thailand meluncurkan program kampanye yang dikenal dengan ‘Global Thai Campaign.’ Kampanye ini merupakan salah satu strategi pemerintah Thailand untuk mengubah image negaranya, hal itu karena citra Thailand yang terkenal mempromosikan pekerja seks sebagai wisata di negaranya. Selain itu, kampanye ini bertujuan untuk meningkatkan jumlah restoran Thailand di seluruh dunia serta mengubah pandangan buruk masyarakat internasional terhadap Thailand. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan berbagai macam teknik berdasarkan data dari beberapa dokumen dan penulis. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk membuktikan adanya upaya national branding oleh pemerintah Thailand melalui praktik gastrodiplomasi sejak tahun 2002 dan menjadi topik utama di dunia internasional sehingga negara-negara lain dapat mengikuti cara yang telah dilakukan Thailand. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini menggunakan teori gastrodiplomasi dan konsep nation brand. Hasil dari penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa melalui program gastrodiplomacy, pemerintah Thailand dapat menyebarkan restoran-restoran Thailand di berbagai negara dimana secara langsung mempromosikan makanan khas Thailand. Berdasarkan data yang di dapat, kampanye gastrodiplomacy Thailand memiliki pengaruh yang besar terhadap negara lain dalam hal kuliner serta terhadap Thailand sendiri, salah satunya adalah jumlah kunjungan wisatawan asing di Thailand meningkat dengan drastis.
Ilmi Dwiastuti
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 6; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v6i1.3703

Abstract:
AEGIS Journal of International Relations is a bi-annual journal which publishes articles on issues, events and discourses in International Relations on the bases of the broadening scope in the discipline. As the world is moving toward one borderless village due to the globalization which replaced the Cold War in 1989, the nature and characteristics of IR is dramatically changing and so has been the academic scope of the discipline. Among the new characteristics of the IR in the globalization are the interconnected of local and global, both events and issues, and the prominent important of international organization, which has been growing in numbers, membership and roles.
Harryanto Aryodiguno
Published: 30 November 2021
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 5; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v5i1.3415

Abstract:
This paper focuses on the Xinjiang conflict with the central government as one of the conflicts that have sparked the world's attention, especially in western countries. Western media spend their most effort on discussing Vocational Education and Training Centers, political issues, religion, idealism, and human rights in Xinjiang. And then, under the presuppositions of Western-Centrism, the Western media accuses China of violating human rights. However, the Chinese government emphasizes that what happened in Xinjiang is the unrest that has been happening because of the group that wants to separate from China. This paper seeks to explain the real events in Xinjiang, including the problems faced by Xinjiang and the Chinese government, culture, politics, and the psychology behind the western media. Keywords: Western-Centralism, Xinjiang, Uyghur, Islam, Politic
Anton Abdul Fatah
Published: 30 November 2021
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 5; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v5i1.1476

Abstract:
Book Review: Harber, Clive. Schooling for Peaceful Development in Post-Conflict Societies: Education for Transformation?. Springer, 2019. xiv + 306 pp. US$63.70. Cham, Switzerland. ISBN 978-3-030-17688-4.
, Nurmasari Situmeang
Published: 30 November 2021
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 5; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v5i1.1681

Abstract:
This paper's purpose is to explain describes the correlation of the spread of the Covid19 virus as a global problem. The spread will form a global health diplomacy collaboration to tackle Covid19 massive spread that makes countries overwhelmed to overcome it. This paper is used for library research to research methodology with qualitative descriptive analysis paradigm. This paper result to finds that to overcome these problems, each country must interpret that international mismarked security is more important than the political and economic interests of the country. That means that cooperation must be interpreted that the Covid19 outbreak is a global problem, must be handled by multiple stakeholders, long term, and cooperation based on the nature of extremism. With the ready ness negotiation method. This interpretation is expected to be an inclusive way to be able to respond to cooperation that understands, shares, and enjoys together with global health diplomacy as to develop international governance cooperation with altruism model and ready ness negotiation.
Serge Silatsa Nanda, Rahmawati Hussein, Nur Azizah, Abdoulaye Njoya Nchankou
Published: 30 November 2021
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 5; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v5i1.1511

Abstract:
Humanitarian needs in Cameroon have been growing steadily over the years due to the multiple crises the country has been going through. This study aims to analyse the international assistance provided to the populations of Far North Cameroon who are facing security and climate challenges. The study was implemented through the study of pertinent documentation (articles, newspapers, books and reports) related to the issue. Our analysis shows that, the humanitarian needs are critical in the Far North of Cameroon. Indeed, about 33% of households are food insecure, including 3% in a situation of severe food insecurity, 6% of children are affected by Global Acute Malnutrition. Following this situation, only 26% of the requirement in was funded for the year 2020, making Cameroon to be ranked as the world’s most neglected displacement crises by the international community. These funds were received from both foreign countries and private donors from all the continents. The international humanitarian assistance is coordinated by OCHA in collaboration with Cameroon governmental partners, implementing and operational partners and United Nations agencies.
Titi Rahmania Gulo, Ilmi Dwiastuti
Published: 30 November 2021
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 5; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v5i1.3431

Abstract:

The primary goal of this paper is to provide insight into the factors that have contributed to the trade war between the United States of America and China, which has been influenced not only by the economic sector but also by AI. Furthermore, in light of China's rising power, which threatens to supplant US supremacy, as well as its ambition to become a global leader in artificial intelligence by 2030, the steps taken by the United States during the Donald Trump administration to maintain its global influence are discussed in this paper. Furthermore, there is an indication that China is aiming to boost its global influence, which will be the focus of this paper with due attention to the national artificial intelligence advancement. The desire for both China and the United States to dominate technology has increased competition between the two countries, as evidenced by the numerous technological innovations developed and released by the two countries in recent years. In addition, the authors will conduct empirical case study research in conjunction with comparative analysis. Thus, to investigates this issue through the lens of threat perception, which also serves as a theoretical framework. Lastly, the authors conclude that the advancement of China’s Artificial Intelligence is perceived as a threat for the US national security especially in military and political sector. Keywords : Artificial Intelligence; Threat Perception; National Security
Tasha Ayu Shalihan Putri, Riski M Baskoro
Published: 30 November 2021
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 5; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v5i1.1644

Abstract:
The “Malaysia Kitchen for the World” campaign designed by the Malaysian government acts as a practical effort of gastro diplomacy that is rooted in the sphere of cultural diplomacy. Thus, the purpose of this research is to identify the implementation of the “Malaysia Kitchen for the World” campaign in the United Kingdom between 2010 and 2015 and to provide a detailed analysis using the theories of International Relations study, consisting of public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, and gastro diplomacy. This study employs a qualitative method with a case study approach, using secondary sources focusing on journals, articles, and books followed by primary sources from MATRADE and Malaysian government official publications. The findings of this research are that Malaysian cuisine is an essential element for the Malaysian government for promoting Malaysia’s cultural richness, branding local business, and raising global awareness of Malaysian food in the international arena, particularly among British citizens.
Aditya Maulana Hasymi
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 4; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v4i2.723

Abstract:
AbstrakIsu-isu terkait budaya, ekonomi, dan nilai seringkali menghasilkan konflik. Tak terkecuali dengan isu perebutan wilayah. Salahsatu perang terbesar yang terkait dengan isu sengketa wilayah adalah perang Iran-Irak 1988. Perang Iran-Irak 1988 membawa sejarah besar dari kedua negara yang saling berhubungan dengan isu perebutan wilayah, perebutan pengaruh ideologi, dan isu ekonomi. Perang yang berlangsung cukup lama ini membuat Iran dan Irak menyadari akan kerugian jangka panjang yang dialami. Pada akhirnya, kedua negara sepakat untuk berdamai dalam sebuah proses yang melibatkan pihak ketiga. Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa mengambil peran sebagai pihak ketiga yang membantu penyelesaian perang antara Iran dan Irak. Resolusi no.598 yang disusun oleh Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa mengarisbawahi akan pentingnya gencatan senjata dengan banyaknya kerugian dan korban jiwa yang muncul. Penelitian ini berargumen bahwa upaya Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa menyusun resolusi no.598 dalam menyelesaikan perang Iran-Irak adalah penerapan dari mekanisme compliance bargaining pada proses resolusi konflik.Kata kunci: compliance bargaining, resolusi konflik, rezim, gencatan senjata AbstractConflictual issues can be about economy, culture and values, or even a border dispute. The class cannot be avoided because of several issues triggering the conflict and also several interests. One of the bigger wars that can be was the Iran-Iraq War at 1980-1988. This war brought the long history between both of those countries, which were related with border disputes, ideological influences, and economic war. Those of both countries is thinking that if the war is still being run, it is not giving any good advantage. The damage was so big. So, it required a process to bring the two states involved war into one meeting to talk about peace or end the war. The process is called a peace process. In this case, the peace process arranged by the involvement of third party. The United Nations take a role as the third party in Iran-Iraq War by formed a Resolution no 598. In the resolution the council expressed its concern that, despite its calls for ceasefire, the conflict between Iran and Iraq continued with heavy loss of life and material destruction. The Iran-Iraq war was ended through the resolution no 598 that was produced by the United Nations. Furthermore, this paper argue that the way of the United Nations ended the Iran-Iraq war through Resolution no 598 is implementing the theory of compliance bargaining in conflict resolution.Keywords: compliance bargaining, conflict resolution, regime, ceasefire
Rika Isnarti, Sofia Trisni
Published: 13 September 2020
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 4; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v4i2.1247

Abstract:
International activities of local governments, also known in the literature as paradiplomacy, have significantly increased in the recent years. In Indonesia, local governments are allowed to conduct international relations or city diplomacy in supporting of central government. In doing so, multiple international agreements have been signed by Indonesian local governments, mostly establishing sister city relations. The most active actors on the international stage are big cities, such as Jakarta, Yogyakarta, and Bandung, all situated in Java. This research aims to explore challenges faced by small city, in this case city of Padang in conducting city diplomacy. The authors interviewed public officers in city of Padang and collected secondary data on the topic based on literature study. this article argues that small city has challenges that are not faced by big cities. The study found that small city cannot conduct city diplomacy as well as big cities due to the following factors: lack of awareness of city diplomacy, small number of staff with sufficient knowledge about international relations, and lack of information and idea about the implementation of sister city MoU or action plan and complex bureaucracy procedure in conducting an agreement which potentially less motivate staff in doing paradiplomacy. This article concludes that city of Padang is still working to obtain many agreements in term of sister city while creating many action plans to effectively the agreements.
Muhammad Fikry Anshori
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 4; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v4i1.883

Abstract:
AbstrakLatar belakang artikel ini adalah ekspansi China di Laut China Selatan serta pengaktifan kembali Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD). QSD adalah pertemuan non-formal yang beranggotakan United States, Australia, India, dan Japan. Artikel ini berusaha untuk menjawab ‘Apa keunggulan yang dimiliki oleh QSD pasca pengaktifan kembali mereka untuk menghadapi kehadiran China di Laut China Selatan?’. Teori utama yang digunakan dalam artikel ini adalah Balance of Threat dari Stephen Walt. Hasil dari artikel ini memperlihatkan keunggulan yang dimiliki oleh QSD adalah lokasi geografis, sebagian besar sumber daya dan persenjataan, serta program latihan perang bersama dan modernisasi persenjataan. Keunggulan tersebut dapat digunakan QSD untuk menghadapi niat mengancam dari China dengan kehadiran mereka di Laut China Selatan.AbstractThe background of this article is the expansion of China in the South China Sea and the reactivation of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD). QSD is an informal meeting with members from the United States, Australia, India, and Japan. This article seeks to answer 'What advantages does QSD have after their reactivation to face China's presence in the South China Sea?'. The main theory used in this article is the Balance of Threat from Stephen Walt. The results of this article show the advantages possessed by QSD is the geographical location, the majority of resources and weapons, as well as joint war training and weapon modernization programs. These advantages can be used by QSD to face the threatening intentions of China with its presence in the South China Sea.
Ilmi Dwiastuti
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 4; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v4i2.796

Abstract:
Penyebab konflik berkepanjangan antara Israel dan Palestina telah menjadi perdebatan sejak konflik ini bermula di awal abad 20. Berbagai penelitian telah menjelaskan faktor-faktor penyebab konflik melalu berbagai instrument dan teori. Tulisan ini ingin menganalisis penyebab konflik dari sisi budaya politik masing-masing bangsa dengan menggunakan teori Budaya Politik dari Gabriel Almond dan Sydney Verba. Analisis akan dilihat dari tiga komponen. Pertama, sistem budaya, proses budaya, dan kebijakan budaya Israel dan Palestina. Kedua, orientasi perilaku masing-masing bangsa terhadap sistem politik. Ketiga, respon dan perilaku Israel dan Palestina terhadap kebijakan luar negeri dan dalam negeri di dalam sistem politik. Tulisan ini menilai bahwa penyebab konflik terjadi akibat adanya benturan kepentingan dan kepercayaan dari kedua pihak yang melekat pada budaya politik masing-masing. Israel meyakini bahwa tanah yang mulanya ditempati bangsa Palestina merupakan hak mereka yang diamanahkan kepercayaan mereka. Tidak hanya itu, misi pergerakan Zionisme juga menjadi salah satu sumber konflik berkepanjangan ini. Kemudian, nilai-nilai ini berbenturan dengan budaya politik bangsa Palestina sebagai bagian dari bangsa Arab. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa penggunaan teori budaya politik cukup untuk menjelaskan akar permasalahan Israel-Palestina selama ini dalam ranah identitas dan perilaku kedua bangsa berdasarkan kepentingan politiknya masing-masing. Namun, penggunaan teori ini kurang dapat menjabarkan dengan detail sejauh mana budaya politik bangsa Palestina menjadi akar dari konflik abadi ini. Kata Kunci: Israel-Palestine, Konflik, Budaya Politik, Orientasi Politik, Nilai
Mahbi Maulaya
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 4; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v4i1.933

Abstract:
International order is now witnessing the declining efficacy and extremely fragile condition of multilateralism. Several states start to doubt and leave international treaties, agreements, organizations, and institutions. This circumstance led into the speculation of “Multilateralism Collapse". Yet, there is only a small number of International Relations scholars who attempt to detect the general pattern that indicate the fundamental reason of relevant states to withdraw from multilateralism manifestation. Hence, this study is a preliminary attempt to fill the gap by providing a concrete explanation on the reason why the multilateralism is failing. This paper argues that the growing cynicism among the relation of international actors is served to be the reason of multilateralism free fall. There are two types of cynicism which this paper has discovered, the cynicism as a trigger and cynicism as a statement. Cynicism as a trigger tracked whereby the relevant state’s withdrawal from the multilateralism manifestation is merely caused by a sense of distrust. On the other hand, cynicism as a statement is the expression of relevant states to justify its withdrawal action and distract world’s attention from its hidden interest. Since this study requires a specific and deep interpretation on sets of event and data, the utilization of qualitative method was considered effective. This study applied two theoretical frameworks, namely cynicism and multilateralism.
Anggara Raharyo, Shelia Saady
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 4; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v4i1.932

Abstract:
The establishment of Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) was first marked with the proposition made by People’s Republic of China (PRC) President Xi Jinping in 2013. Many since then believes that the establishment of the AIIB is part of PRC’s bigger plan that is the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI). The significance of Turkey strategic position for the implementation of BRI, it is very crucial for PRC to maintain a steady flow of cooperation with Turkey. Out of 93 members that has joined as a part of AIIB, Turkey stands as the second largest loan receiver by the end of 2018. This article argues that PRC has been using AIIB as part as their BRI plan through its multilayered-multilateralism strategy to Turkey. This article analyze the loan policies that has been made by PRC and AIIB to Turkey from 2016 to 2018
Demeiati Nur Kusumaningrum, Septian Nur Yekti
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 4; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v4i1.882

Abstract:
The United States under President Donald Trump administration is marked by several government policies aimed at returning US leadership to the world political arena in both the economic and security fields. He argues that economic policy through the doctrine of America First will save income and create jobs for Americans and will help restructure the US economy. This paper describes the impact of America First's doctrine on US trade relations with South Korea. Refering to the history of US trade relations, the free market system has become a priority in international negotiations, both through bilateral and multilateral agreements. It examines South Korea has come out of the spirit of free trade agreed by the two countries. Since the implementation of Korus FTA until 2017, South Korea has adopted a policy pattern that initially did not comply with the poin of agreement. In March 2016, the senate head of the financial commission sent a letter to the South Korean ambassador discussing the implementation of commitments to data flow, transparency and predictability of pricing and reimbursement of pharmaceutical products and medical devices, and the possibility of US companies investing and operating with companies South Korea. The proposal for renegotiation was approved by South Korea in October 2017, which agreed to hold discussions for modification and amendment and fulfill the necessary domestic procedures in December 2017.Keywords: America First Doctrine, Foreign Policy, Korea, Negotiation, Trade
Patrick Ziegenhain
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 4; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v4i1.791

Abstract:
One of the major targets of the ASEAN Economic Community is to achieve a higher influx of foreign direct investments (FDI) into the region. By analyzing recent economic developments and weighing opportunities and challenges, this paper argues that there are good chances for a higher level of FDI in ASEAN until 2025. There are, however, several hindrances including the resistance of the ASEAN member states to accept further economic integration and a missing common regulatory framework, which will make it difficult to receive significantly more FDI in the near future.
Riski Muhamad Baskoro
Published: 27 September 2020
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 4; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v4i2.1350

Abstract:
Since the United States Information Agency (USIA) is no longer active to operate cultural diplomacy in the post-cold war, the concept of cultural diplomacy has experienced a time of crisis in the context of International Relations studies. For a decade, cultural diplomacy was marginalized and considered obsolete until finally in the early 2000s, cultural diplomacy was revived and activated both in practice and theory. Since then, cultural diplomacy has returned to its path. The discourse of cultural diplomacy in International Relations studies has developed to gain more specific activities. This is a qualitative research, with the aim of understanding cultural diplomacy in a more holistic way. The results of this study indicate a debate and a lack of consensus on several aspects of cultural diplomacy and bringing much unclear explanation. This study also shows a dichotomy between cultural diplomacy and other approaches.
Moshood Saka
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 4; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v4i2.1129

Abstract:
This article explores the intellectual ideas of Ake on feasibility of democratisation in Africa. Democratisation is feasible as government focuses on the real people irrespective of racial affinity. In the past, the apartheid government in South Africa was adjudged as obstacle to democracy because majority black were marginalised in the representative democracy. The African National Congress (ANC) developed a pressure against undemocratic laws of apartheid rule. This process translated to Trust Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a driving-mechanism towards peaceful negotiation in the country. While this is true, this article argues that transition to democratisation in 1994 by founding elections marked the beginning of a representative government. This article contests the current practice of democratisation by political disconnection of the popular party after the death of President Nelson Mandela. Finally, it is argued that feasibility of democracy is economic empowerment of the people but was trivialised in the country. The article further states the characters which marred democratisation process after the post-third wave. The article submits that there was adequate oversight functions which checked the excess power of executive arm and the others. This de facto is justified by the action of opposition parties such as EFF, DA, and IFP in the Freedom House. As a result, triangulation politics is recommended as mechanism which can promote national unity in the country.
Novia Sinta Tesalonika,
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 3; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v3i1.729

Abstract:
Uruguay has ratified the international drug control conventions that consist of Single Convention on narcotic drugs 1961 as amended 1972 protocol, the convention on psychotropic substance 1971, and United Nations Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances 1988. Since then, the Uruguayan government has been a part of the ‘War on Drugs" campaign. In 2012, Jose Mujica proposed the policy of cannabis legalisation. The proposal was signed and passed into Uruguay law no 19172 that allow and regulate the plant, consumption and sale of cannabis on December 20th, 2013. This policy has violated international drug control conventions and received critics from the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB), the body of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Despite the critics from INCB, the government stood against the norm of the treaty. This article analyses the causative factors that trigger this behavioural change. The increasing number of drugs users caused many problems in Uruguay especially the increasing numbers of criminal acts. It created national problems and hampering the government's efforts to fight drug trafficking and ensuring the safety of society. By all mean, it became threats to their national interest. Thus, the government believed that compliance with the conventions could not help them to overcome these threats. Uruguay case has shown that state behaviour towards international law will change along its changing national interest.
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 3; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v3i1.611

Abstract:
Serangkaian serangan teror yang terjadi di Prancis sejak deklarasi kekhalifahan ISIS pada tahun 2014 telah membuktikan bahwa ruang lingkup operasi ISIS tidak lagi terbatas pada wilayah mereka, melainkan telah menyebar ke seluruh dunia. Oleh karena itu, dengan dasar rencana Vigipirate, Perancis telah berusaha untuk memaksimalkan upaya mereka dalam menanggapi serangan, mulai dari persatuan nasional dalam menghadapi masalah terorisme, intervensi langsung terhadap pangkalan utama ISIS, operasi di dalam negeri, dan bahkan memproklamirkan keadaan darurat negara. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis implementasi kebijakan keamanan nasional Prancis dalam menanggapi ancaman tersebut. Meskipun serangan teror masih terjadi hingga saat ini, tetapi analisis fokus kepatuhan ini hanya terbatas pada masa pemerintahan Presiden Francois Hollande dari tahun 2014 - 2016. Dalam temuan tersebut, penulis menyimpulkan bahwa selama pemerintahan Presiden Francois Hollande, upaya sekuritisasi Perancis tidak menjadi penghalang bagi militan ISIS dalam meluncurkan aksi mereka di tanah Prancis.
Published: 26 November 2019
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 3; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v3i2.736

Abstract:
Natuna or better known as the Natuna Islands is one of the border areas in Indonesia that has complex problems. As a cluster of islands bordering Indonesia with Malaysia and Vietnam, the Natuna Islands are also located in the South China Sea region, which is a regional dispute hot spot in East Asia. This paper will discuss the concept of border security and border security issues in the waters of the Natuna Islands. In this paper, the authors argue that the problem of the Indonesian EEZ maritime boundary in the Natuna Islands territorial waters with Malaysia and Vietnam needs to be immediately resolved, because in addition to sovereignty, the precision of the EEZ boundary with neighboring countries will be related to the management of natural resources contained in the particular territorial waters. This condition is increasingly complicated when China with its nine-dashed line has raised problems of overlapping claims in the Natuna waters. In addition, the obscurity of maritime boundaries is used by certain parties to carry out illegal fishing in the maritime areas currently being disputed by the neighboring countries.
Published: 26 November 2019
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 3; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v3i2.725

Abstract:
In 2013, Southeast Asian countries have to face a disastrous haze pollution coming from Indonesia. Transboundary Haze Pollution (THP) is a deadly occurrences that repeats annually. As a result, Indonesia’s neighboring countries must encounter disadvantageous consequences. One of the countries gradually affected is Singapore, since they have been through haze pollution since the late 1980’s. Various attempts have been made by Singapore to mitigate the disaster. Since bilateral and regional efforts do not give any solution, Singapore then implies public diplomacy efforts. The practices of these public diplomacy could be seen from the involvement of one of the nation’s influential NGOs, the Singapore Institute of International Affairs (SIIA). As a result, they are able to pressure Indonesia in applying a more comprehensive map for haze tracker. Therefore, this study expects to invite readers’ interest in the issue of NGO, precisely in International Relations and Public Diplomacy. This study will specifically discuss the practice of SIIA as public diplomacy efforts to resolve the THP issue from 2012 until 2016.
Published: 26 November 2019
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 3; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v3i2.710

Abstract:
This article aims to analyse Indonesia’s diplomacy strategy to the Philippines in actualizing blue economy from 2014 until 2017. Indonesia's geographical condition, which is the largest archipelagic country in the world and is located within the coral triangle region brace Indonesia to have enormous marine potentials and high valuation. Indonesia during the reign of President Joko Widodo committed to develop their economy from the marine sector using blue economic principle-- the utilization of marine potential by considering the long-term calculation between social and the environmental sustainability. The authors use complex interdependence theory which shows that cooperation between Indonesia and the Philippines by involving the role of non-governmental organizations and business stakeholders contribute to solve problems and support the successful implementation of the blue economy. Through a qualitative analytic research method, this article finds Indonesia’s diplomacy strategy as the effort to implement blue economy by using Multi-track Diplomacy approach, which focuses on the government (Track I) through the signing of Joint Declaration of Sea Connectivity between the two countries, non-government professional (Track II) through the establishment of the Working Group for Coral Triangle Initiatives involving Non-Governmental Organizations in Indonesia, and business (Track III) through the Coral Triangle Initiatives-Business Forum to the Philippines during the administration of President Joko Widodo in 2014-2017.Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis strategi diplomasi Indonesia ke Filipina dalam mengaktualisasikan ekonomi biru dari 2014 hingga 2017. Kondisi geografis Indonesia, yang merupakan negara kepulauan terbesar di dunia dan terletak di dalam kawasan segitiga karang menganugerahkan Indonesia dengan potensi laut yang sangat besar dan valuasi tinggi. Indonesia pada masa pemerintahan Presiden Joko Widodo berkomitmen untuk mengembangkan ekonomi mereka dari sektor kelautan menggunakan prinsip ekonomi biru-- pemanfaatan potensi kelautan dengan mempertimbangkan perhitungan jangka panjang antara keberlanjutan sosial dan lingkungan. Penulis menggunakan teori ‘complex interdependence’ yang menunjukkan bahwa kerja sama antara Indonesia dan Filipina dengan melibatkan peran organisasi non-pemerintah dan pemangku kepentingan bisnis berkontribusi untuk memecahkan masalah dan mendukung keberhasilan implementasi ekonomi biru.Menggunakan metodologi penelitian kualitatif, skripsi ini menjelaskan strategi diplomasi Indonesia dalam upaya untuk mengaktualisasikan ekonomi bitu dengan menggunakan langkah Multi-track Diplomacy, dengan fokus dalam kerjasama negara (Track I) melalui penandatanganan Joint Declaration of Sea Connectivity antara kedua negara, organisasi non-pemerintah (Track II) melalui penetapan kelompok kerja untuk kerjasama Coral Triangle Initiative dengan melibatkan organisasi non-pemerintah di Indonesia, dan bisnis (Track III) melalui Forum Bisnis Regional Coral Triangle Initiatives kepada Filipina selama masa administrasi Presiden Joko Widodo tahun 2014-2017.
Published: 26 November 2019
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 3; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v3i2.794

Abstract:
Security is an important aspect for a state. In particular, regional security plays important role in influencing state policies and actions. This paper departs from the High Level meeting between South Korea and North Korea in April 2018 which then produces an output in the form of peace agreement, the Panmunjom Declaration. The declaration has different impact to Japan, because it becomes the turning point of the status-quo in the East Asia region. Relations between states are generally driven and motivated by interests rather than the shared identity. This paper aims to analyze the actions and responses of Japan as a pacifist state towards the changes in the constellation of East Asia relations after the Panmunjom Declaration. In the end of this paper, it is concluded that what happened in the East Asia region is accordance to the concept of classical realism theory. The Panmunjom Declaration surely is an international event marked as turning point of East Asia regional status-quo, but could not be claimed as the main factor to drive Japan revising article 9. However, Japan's alertness towards North Korea remains same. Even though it is not the main factor, but the Panmunjom Declaration made Japan interprets its position differently in East Asia, and has influenced Shinzo Abe's narrative to further strive for the revision agenda to be realized immediately.
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 3; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v3i1.730

Abstract:
Since President of China Xi Jinping introduced the mega infrastructure project Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in late 2013, many have doubted the real objective of the president, particularly since world leadership position has been vacant because US President Donald Trump still has no clear foreign policy on Asia Pacific. BRI, which aims to connect China to all continents in the world, has already had negative and positive impacts. One of which is Africa, where China has been helping the Trans-African Highway project, a project that has been planned since 1971. However, BRI has caused African countries’ debts to China to multiply, and it is not impossible that they will experience what Sri Lanka has already experienced: Beijing taking over their Hambantota Port. In Indonesia itself, there have been several BRI projects, such as the 142-km fast train that connects Bandung, West Java, to Jakarta, and Morowali Industrial Park in Central Sulawesi. However, despite BRI’s help with infrastructure many people are suspicious that Indonesia will fall into a “debt trap” like Sri Lanka and African countries already did. They are also worried about the ever-increasing number of Chinese workers to Indonesia, which threaten the availability of jobs for locals. On the other hand, Indonesia’s involvement in BRI shows that Indonesia is an important country to China, and this can be seen through many things, one of which is the growing number of Chinese universities having Indonesian language and culture sub-majors in the past seven years. This essay focuses on how these Indonesian language and culture sub-majors contribute to the success of BRI in China.
Published: 26 November 2019
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 3; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v3i2.711

Abstract:
This is the first such study of the use of Internet by political parties in Indonesia. It also documents parties’ websites performance index and online popularity for campaigning in 2019. The purpose of this comparative study is to look at how the Internet was used by Indonesian political parties approaching the 2019 elections. Internet campaign consists of two parts: online presence through political party website, and political marketing through social media. Total of 16 parties participating the elections next year were examined for how they are utilizing official websites and social media platforms. We created an index based on list of website features (scoring system) and then classify it into 4 variables (information provision, mobilization, engagement, and technological sophistication) containing 43 features. We also visualise the descriptive statistical analysis on parties’ social media accounts using RStudio software. The study found that despite half of Indonesian national population is using the Internet, political parties were not yet achieving their maximum potential in using the digital media to disseminate political messages and propaganda. The quality of most of the websites have been subpar. In addition, the quality seems to have no relationship with the financial resources and the current parliamentary size of political parties. On average, official social media accounts run by parties has only been used in the last 3.25 years. Well-established older parties in Indonesia continue to engage with their constituents without heavily relying on social media. Yet, this situation is very likely to change in the future as parties’ elites are now beginning to look into this platform as they seek out to the millennials for electoral support.
Published: 26 November 2019
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 3; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v3i2.774

Abstract:
The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship between Cambodia and People’s Republic of China (PRC)use historical approach and secondary data regarding the topic. Although Cambodia and PRC do not share direct border, their relationship has been flourished since Cambodia gaining their independence from France in 1953 under the regime of Norodom Sihanouk until the administration of Prime Minister Hun Sen. Since then, China has been injecting Cambodia with financial aids, which helping Cambodia to establish its nation. Noting the power gap between two nations that would be complicate the relationships between two. In addition, China with its famous five peaceful coexistence has managed to build closer ties with Cambodia. This paper concluded thatafter the implementation of Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)in 2013, the relationship began to shift from China’s closest friend in Southeast Asia towards something beyond diplomatic ties, which is Cambodia as a permanent client state of PRC and has strong normative background, and the ties itself invites many critics both from regional and international. For instance, during the Disputes of South China Sea and 45th ASEAN annual meeting where Cambodia shown their firm positions in line with China. Cambodia is appeared to show its loyalty to China as a form of payback for years of Chinese financial aids and investment for decades.Keywords:Sino-Khmer ties, BRI, Chinese permanent client, and Development of Cambodia
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 3; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v3i1.727

Abstract:
Situated in a highly dynamic region at the crossroads of the Pacific and Indian Ocean, Indonesia’s foreign policy has long been influenced by both international and domestic factors. In light of these changes, we firstly look at the development of Indonesia’s external environment. This discussion centres on the dynamics in the Indo-Pacific between the major powers, specifically their outlooks, approaches, and interests in the region. Next, we examine Indonesia’s domestic dynamics, particularly those related to the progress of the development of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF). In this section, we will discuss the process of naval modernization and an update of national political dynamics as the 2019 Presidential Elections loom closer. Finally, we examine the progress of Indonesia’s bilateral and multilateral cooperation.
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 3; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v3i1.728

Abstract:
During the Suharto era, which began after the anti-Chinese riots in 1965 as a result of the deterioration of the relation between Indonesia and China, forced policies of assimilation was adopted for curtailing the Chinese culture and to control Chinese-Indonesians. Yet, anti-Chinese sentiments remained, and attacks against them reached its climax in May 1998, when anti-Chinese riots recurred because of the allegation that Chinese-Indonesians had an advantageous economic status, and they were the culprit that brought financial crisis to Indonesia. The May 1998 riot ended Suharto’s era, and Chinese Indonesians saw improvement in their position and condition. Now, they strive to find their own identity and political status. Their efforts to do so were also influence by the rise of China. That is why, this paper aims at examining whether the reintroduction of Chinese cultural celebrations into Chinese-Indonesian community would result in the demise of policies of assimilation. It also examines whether the rise of China would propel them to establish a closer identification with the People’s Republic of China. How do Chinese-Indonesians view their identity? How do they choose this identity and their political inclinations? These are the research questions this paper is going to answer. The findings show that the status of the Chinese in Indonesia is divided into two groups. The first group is the one who is determined to break away from Chinese identification, and the second group is the one that still maintains their Chinese culture.
Bustanul Arifin, Amirah Ulfah
Published: 6 September 2018
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 2; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v2i2.423

Abstract:
The development of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) has brought many fundamental changes in the political practices. One of the main essential aspects of ICTs is internet. This internet plays an important role in developing the information age. Therefore, the information age contributes to the way in which we effectively and efficiently create and consume the information. In this research, we focus to see the role of technology that drives to the practice of netpolitik by both the public and political actors in Indonesia. Netpolitik itself is the combination between internet and politic. Then, we analyze how netpolitik is influencing and changing the political situation in Indonesia during the recent time. Then, we put several aspects in order to see the effects driven by the netpolitik. Finally, we conclude the research by a finding stating that the netpolitik has done a political transformation in Indonesia and it becomes a core engine in determining the behaviour of political actor and audiences.Keywords: Internet, Netpolitik, Public, Political Actors, ICTs, Digital Era, Transformation, and Indonesia
Verdinand Robertua, Arry Bainus
Published: 6 September 2018
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 2; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v2i2.429

Abstract:
Global environmental governance is deeply undermined due to the problem of overlapping function and lack of funding. It is then important to trace the history of the construction of global environmental governance as an institution. This article would like to understand the dynamics of global environmental governance from Stockholm Conference in 1972 to Rio Conference in 1992. The changes between Stockholm Conference and Rio Conference will be analyzed using English School theory. English School theory has the potential to critically engage with the taken-for-granted norms and institutions. Pluralism and solidarism as the normative wings of English School can elaborate the key driver of global environmental governance. It is expected that this article can contribute to development of environmental studies of English School theory and the formulation of global environmental governance.Keywords: global environmental governance, English School theory, Rio Conference, Stockholm Conference, sustainable development
Gibran Mahesa Drajat
Published: 6 September 2018
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 2; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v2i2.424

Abstract:
This paper aims to examine Indonesia’s leadership in ASEAN as the regional organization advances its community building in areas of political-security. Indonesia, the largest state in Southeast Asia both from geographic and economic size, is known for its de facto leadership within the regional integration process of ASEAN. Such integration is mostly prominent in areas of multilateral engagement, conflict management, and democracy as well as human rights promotion. With President Joko Widodo at the helm of Indonesia’s presidency since October 2014, Indonesia has reoriented its foreign policy cornerstone on ASEAN into other channels that best serve its national interest. As Indonesia repositions its focus from ASEAN, there is a need to evaluate whether the trajectory of ASEAN Political-Security Community will continue to thrive under the consensual decision-making process among its ten member states known as ASEAN way. To evaluate Indonesia’s leadership in the advancement of ASEAN Political-Security Community under President Joko Widodo, the paper will review Indonesia’s initiatives to ASEAN and how they contribute towards Southeast Asia’s regionalism. Subsequently, three areas of Indonesia’s leadership in ASEAN Political-Security Community building will be examined: the maintenance of ASEAN Centrality, South China Sea dispute management, and promotion of democracy and human rights. The paper concludes that ASEAN way works not only when ASEAN member states find a common ground on regional issues that affect their respective domestic politics. A presence of informal and voluntary leadership where “matured” member states bring about initiative and persuasion is needed to maintain ASEAN’s strategic relevance in Asia-Pacific. For this reason, Indonesia’s legitimacy as an informal leader in ASEAN plays an important role to ensure that the organization remain united and central to its member states.Keywords: ASEAN Political-Security Community, Indonesian Foreign Policy, Regional Leadership
Anggara Raharyo
Published: 6 September 2018
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 2; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v2i2.422

Abstract:
The establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) has sparked many debates and controversies in the last five years since it was announced back in 2013. Amongst studies trying to explain the reason for the establishment of the AIIB, most of them are based on the analysis of Sino-U.S. relations especially on how they overlooked China as a replacement for global hegemon to the U.S.However, considering China’s foreign policy in the recent decade, the establishment of the AIIB is considered as a typical step to becoming a leader in regionalism of East Asia. This writing concludes that China is still only aiming to become regional leader in the scale of East Asia. Keywords: East Asia, Regionalism, Leadership, China, AIIB
Rika Isnarti
Published: 6 September 2018
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 2; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v2i2.425

Abstract:
Peace keeping operation as part of humanitarian intervention is a close issue to human right. It is assumed to be a way to achieve human right particularly in situation of conflict. This essay analyses the difference between humanitarian intervention and the promotion of human rights and reason state join peace keeping operation in humanitarian intervention from constructivist view? This essay chose Case study China peace keeping operation in Darfur. It concludes that Constructivism sees human rights as a norm that can be promoted by social movement as well countries accept that norm. China has to adopt human rights as one of the primary norm and join peace keeping as an idea that this country accepts the human rights norm. In this step China is a norm cascade stage. China receive human rights but still question the appropriate behavior regarding the norm. Keywords: China, Constructivist, peace keeping, norm
Published: 6 September 2018
AEGIS : Journal of International Relations, Volume 2; https://doi.org/10.33021/aegis.v2i2.421

Abstract:
Currently, with the booming of New Media, it is not uncommon to see causes and campaigns meant to raise awareness on certain issues. One of the all-time viral campaigns was ‘ALS Ice Bucket Challenge’ campaign videos performed by well-known celebrities. In relation to causes and campaigns, on the 1st of October, our attention is drawn towards the Pink Ribbon Day – known as the International Breast Cancer Awareness Day. Not only that, there is currently an attention-getting Cancer Awareness campaign in many social media – Stand Up to Cancer (SU2C) Campaign – which has drawn the attention of those whose lives have been touched by the various devastating Cancer illnesses. This paper discusses and analyzes the SU2C campaigns in relation to its reliance on celebrity endorsement in achieving its purposes. The case of SU2C is analyzed within the framework of Circuit of Culturetoanalyze how the public relations theory and Celebrity Humanitarianism may inform the various practices of public relations in the world. Not only that, through the reflections in the Circuit of Culture, the paper also elaborates the possibilities of how the analysis of the SU2C campaign can be used to influence other cancer awareness campaigns, particularly in Indonesia.Keywords: New Media, Campaign, Circuit of Culture, Celebrity Humanitarianism
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