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Marianthi Georgalidou
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 5, pp 30-56;

In accordance with numerous studies highlighting aspects of political and parliamentary discourse that concern the rhetoric of political combat, verbal attacks and offensive language choices are shown to be rather common in the context of a highly adversarial parliamentary system such as the Greek. In the present study, however, the analysis of excerpts of parliamentary discourse addressed to women reveals not just aspects of the organization of rival political encounters but, as far as female MPs are concerned, aggressive and derogatory forms of speech that directly attack the gender of the addressees. Drawing on data from video-recordings, the official proceedings of parliamentary sittings, and the media (2012–2015), the present study investigates aggressive/sexist discourse within this context. The theoretical issues addressed concern the impoliteness end of the politeness/politic speech/impoliteness continuum in the light of extreme cases of conflict in political/parliamentary discourse.
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 5, pp 81-107;

As the core of political discourse is the struggle for power and scarce resources, conflict seems to be an essential component of political action and interaction. In addition, conflicts in parliament are manifested in many different ways. They range from disputes during the plenary sessions to more personal attacks in the question time. This paper, however, examines an atypical display of parliamentary discourse, namely a speech by a social democratic MP David Rath, which regarded a vote on his extradition and was delivered on 5 June 2012. This speech obviously did not fulfil the primary function of the parliamentary sessions, i.e. legislating and decision-making. Here the MP was given the opportunity to present his own version of events and ask fellow MPs to maintain his parliamentary immunity. The analysis revealed two intertwining discourse strategies. On the one hand, the MP who is charged with several criminal acts presents himself as a victim of a conspiracy. In that, he aims to divert attention from the criminal case while calling for sympathy and providing self-justification. On the other hand, he uses his time to verbally complain about his arrest, the conditions in which he is held in custody, and the people he holds responsible for his current situation; he uses verbal attacks to undermine and disqualify a number of overt and covert enemies. The key aim of the analysis is to explore how victimhood is constructed in discourse, what discourse strategies are observable at the macro-level and how they are reflected in the discourse structure and in the linguistic style.
Andrew Brindle, Corrie MacMillan
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 5, pp 108-133;

This paper combines corpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis methodologies in order to investigate the discourses and cyber activism of the British right-wing nationalist party, Britain First. A study of a corpus of texts produced by elite members of the group reveals a racist, xenophobic stance which constructs Islam and Muslims as the radical, dangerous ‘Other’. This creates a discourse of fear that threatens the way of life of the indigenous in-group of the British people. An investigation of the cyber activity of the group demonstrates that Britain First is able to achieve a significant amount of following on social media by publishing populist material that veils their true nature or ideological stance.
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 5, pp 1-29;

Despite its centrality to religiously aggravated hate crime recorded in England and Wales, the nature of the language used has been neglected in research. This paper, based on a unique dataset, aims to rectify this. It takes its approach from the field of linguistic impoliteness, a field that has yet to consider hate crime. Therein lies our second aim: To consider whether impoliteness notions can be usefully extended to the language of hate crime. In our data, we examine, in particular, conventionalized impoliteness formulae, insults, threats, incitement and taboo words. Whilst we reveal some linguistic support for the way religiously aggravated hate crime is framed in the law and discussed in the legal literature, we highlight areas of neglect and potential ambiguity. Regarding impoliteness, we demonstrate its effectiveness as an approach to these data, but we also highlight areas of neglect in that literature too, notably, non-conditional threats and incitement.
Christiana Gregoriou,
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 5, pp 57-80;

Originating on New York’s Wall Street, the Occupy movement was “an international network of protests against social and economic inequality that began in [September] 2011 in response to the downturn of 2008” (Thorson et al. 2013, 427). Whilst there has been research on online activity in relation to Occupy, the scope of linguistic analysis to date has been somewhat narrow. Furthermore, the focus on new media has indirectly led to an absence of analysis of institutionally-endorsed traditional media texts. We adopt a mixed-method approach of corpus analysis and discourse analysis of national newspaper articles to answer questions such as ‘Is Occupy associated with a semantic field of violence and aggression?’ and ‘Who is represented as having agency?’ Our results indicate that, in our small corpus of media texts, Occupy and its supporters were predominantly portrayed negatively at the movement’s height; even though protesters are reported to have been peaceful in their majority, the English-speaking media we analysed still aligns them with language suggestive of aggression, conflict and even violence.
Karol Janicki
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 5, pp 156-166;

This paper takes up the question of definitions in general and definitions as related to research on language and conflict in particular. I anchor my discussion in the proceedings of the panel ‘Researching and Understanding the Language of Aggression and Conflict’ held at the recent IPrA conference (Antwerp, July 2015). However, I also refer to a selection of articles in the Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict (JLAC) and books on language and conflict. I point to the fact that disagreements about what words such as ‘conflict’’, ‘aggression’, and ‘hate’ mean often lead to unrewarding debates. I trace such disagreements to the philosophical commitments that researchers make (consciously or subliminally). Subsequently, I argue against the essentialist philosophical position, which encourages seeking one satisfactory definition of any concept/term/word. As an alternative, I try to promote a non-essentialist position that encourages us to proceed only with working definitions. Moreover, I advocate working definitions that relate to objects and activities that are as tangible as possible. This way we can avoid unrewarding disputes and contribute to making our research more meaningful and convincing.
Shani Burke
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 5, pp 134-155;

This research examined Facebook comments in response to Britain First’s ‘solidarity patrol’ video, in which Britain First is shown patrolling in Golders Green, North London, ostensibly to show support for the Jewish community after the shooting in the Kosher supermarket in Paris following the Charlie Hebdo attack. A Critical Discursive Psychological analysis was conducted on comments. Initial comments were identified as showing support and gratitude towards Britain First; however, comments became progressively anti-Semitic (e.g. by posing the rhetorical question, what benefits have Jews brought to Britain?). Results are discussed in terms of how Britain First has managed to achieve anti-Islamic rhetoric whilst trying to maintain support from the mainstream. This research has identified that discussions on Facebook have transitioned from Jews being constructed as vulnerable at the hands of Islamic extremism, to Jews being problematic and the aggressors.
Lesley Jeffries
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 151-177;

Whilst there has been much investigation of courtroom testimony and other linguistic aspects of legal process, there has been little consideration of the linguistic basis of war crimes tribunals such as the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which provides the data for this article. The testimony of witnesses in ICTY rape trials is investigated to discover how their examination by counsel may affect these alleged victims of a brutal war. The approach taken is textual as well as discoursal, focusing on the co-construction of meaning between counsel and witnesses — and its failures. The frequent meta discussions about the nature of truth in the testimony shows up some disjunction between the parties in their understanding of the process they are engaged in, leading to the conclusion that the witnesses may have been ‘revictimised’
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 234-254;

The burgeoning literature on studies of swearing suggests that any acceptable definition of swearing involves three features: (a) non-literal meanings, (b) taboo subjects, and (c) emotions. It also suggests that swearwords fall into one of the three classes: aggressive, cathartic, or social. Driven by a rich corpus of swearwords from Persian, this paper argues that swearing in Persian does not necessarily involve these three features, and that a redefinition of swearing is needed. It then borrows ideas from ethics to suggest that any precise definition of swearing will have to involve the distinction between teleological and deontological ethics. It further envisages a continuum for swearing, with teleological ethics at one end and deontological ethics at the other, on which different forms of swearing can be arranged based on the degree to which they lean towards either end.
Dániel Z. Kádár, Siân Robinson Davies
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 202-233;

This paper analyses the phenomenon of participatory ambiguity in aggressive ritualistic interactions. One can ‘participate’ (Goffman 1979, 1981) in an interaction in different statuses, and these statuses entail different interactional constraints and obligations, also within the realms of language aggression and conflict. We are interested in a specific aspect of participation, namely ratification — the assumed right to participate in an interaction. ‘Ambiguity’ describes forms of behaviour which deviate from participant and observer expectations of interacting in certain discursive roles, without clearly violating (un)ratified participation roles. Examining the relationship between participatory ambiguity and language aggression fills an important knowledge gap in the field, as this area has been relatively ignored. We take heckling in experimental performing arts as a case study.
Maria Bortoluzzi,
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 178-201;

The second largest party in the Italian Parliament, the ‘5-Star Movement’, is led by comedian-turned-politician Beppe Grillo. Grillo is well-known for a distinctive and often inflammatory rhetoric, which includes the regular use of humorous but insulting epithets for other politicians, such asPsiconano(‘Psychodwarf’) for Silvio Berlusconi. This paper discusses a selection of epithets used by Grillo on his blog between 2008 and 2015 to refer to Berlusconi and three successive centre-left leaders. We account for the functions of the epithets in terms of Spencer-Oatey’s (2002, 2008) multi-level model of “face” and of Culpeper’s (2011) “entertaining” and “coercive” functions of impoliteness. We suggest that our study has implications for existing models of face and impoliteness and for an understanding of the evolving role of verbal aggression in Italian politics.
Thulfiqar Al-Tahmazi
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 297-323;

The paper investigates how (de)legitimization and impoliteness are interconnected in the ethno-sectarian conflicts that take place in online news response threads. (De)legitimization is conceptualized as a micro argumentative practice that can index the interlocutors’ sociopolitical stances and position them in relation to each other in inter-group contestations. Using multi-tiered positioning analysis, a distinction was made between exogenous and endogenous impoliteness assessments each of which occurred at a different spatiotemporal level of the interactions. This distinction elucidates how impoliteness assessments can trigger and be triggered by (de)legitimization. To understand how (de)legitimization might trigger impoliteness assessments, I differentiate between face-related and identity-related impoliteness, which were both used strategically to deepen the ethno-sectarian divisions in this online context. In the online conflicts in question, collective impoliteness was sometimes motivated by legitimization, rather than delegitimization, even though legitimization involves no violation of the genre-sanctioned interactional norms or the moral order. That was because legitimization functioned in binary oppositions, and, as such, was perceived by out-group members as provocative impingement on their ethno-sectarian communities’ sociopolitical rights.
Can Küçükali
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 274-296;

This paper delves into the problem of aggression in Turkish foreign-policy discourse on Syria which tries to legitimize a military operation. In order to understand how the policymaking preferences of a military operation are legitimized and promoted in governmental discourse, 166 governmental texts, from 2011 to 2013, are investigated in terms of the implementation of strategies proposed by several scholars (van Leeuwen and Wodak 1999; Reisigl and Wodak 2001, 2009; van Leeuwen 2007, 2008; Reyes 2011). The results show that the increasing willingness of the Turkish government to take military action in Syria is systematically operationalized in several stages within each type of legitimation strategy (van Leeuwen and Wodak 1999) to overcome international reluctance and provide support for a prospective conflict. At the end of the paper, the results are evaluated in light of recent political developments for a comprehensive understanding of the meaning and limits of the strategies implemented.
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 255-273;

This study investigated lexical labelling of people and their actions in terms of ownership and non-ownership of territories by the Nigerian and Cameroonian newspaper reports on the Bakassi Peninsula border conflict, with a view to uncovering ideologies underlying the representations. Van Dijk’s socio-cognitive model of Critical Discourse Analysis which relates discursive practices to social and psychological dimensions was used to analyse instances of labelling in three Nigerian and three Cameroonian English-medium national newspapers. The analyses revealed that the newspapers generally labelled Nigerians in Bakassi as both owners (natives and indigenes) and non-owners (inhabitants and residents). Specifically, the Cameroonian news reports deployed more labels of non-ownership to project Nigerians in Bakassi as mere tenants and occupants of the region while the Nigerian news reports employed more labels of ownership to depict Nigerians as aboriginals and owners of the peninsula. The ideologies of economic interests and ancestral roots motivated the labelling of territorial ownership and non-ownership in both nations’ newspapers.
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 324-325;

Boyd Davis
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 149-150;

Christine Wyles, Boyd Davis
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 90-113;

A significant number of people with dementia show challenging behaviours; one of the most challenging is vocally disruptive behaviour (VDB). VDB may be difficult to manage in all settings but particularly in rest homes and private dementia care hospitals. In a 2011 study direct observation of VDB was used to analyse the incidence, content of and response to VDB in two private New Zealand residential dementia care hospitals. Examples of VDB from both hospitals are discussed to illustrate the nature of VDB, both purposive and non-purposive. The relationship of the antecedents and consequences to the VDB are highlighted. Possible interventions to reduce VDB are reviewed. This challenging behaviour is highly variable and case specific. Caregivers would benefit from specific training to equip themselves with a range of interventions to allow for the individual needs of residents and the changing nature of the behaviour. More studies that use direct observation and participatory action research would enhance the current understanding of VDB and how to effectively manage it.
Boyd Davis, Margaret Maclagan, Dena Shenk
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 35-61;

Differences in power are frequent in institutional care settings and provide contexts in which conflict can occur. In order to examine the power imbalance between residents and caregivers and the consequent potential for verbal conflict we first discuss the situations in which persons with dementia (PWD) find themselves within long-term residential care institutions and the interactions they commonly experience with those who care for them. We then examine strategies commonly used by conversational partners that either support or hinder the attempts by PWD to interact competently. The strategies may lead to cooperative conversations or verbal conflicts. They include caregiver marginalization as well as joking and teasing, both of which may serve to positively support PWD or can minimize conflict (Offord et al. 2006; Schnurr and Chan 201l) and can be initiated by both residents and caregivers. The final section contains case studies of interactions with two PWD, “Madge” and “Maureen”, to illustrate the minimization and the positive and negative use of joking and teasing in interactions with PWD. We conclude with a brief discussion with “Maureen” on joking and deliberate repression of conflict.
Lisa Mikesell, Boyd Davis
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 62-89;

Clinically, frontotemporal dementia (FTD) is described as primarily affecting personality and interpersonal conduct and resulting in social behavioral disruptions, thus often giving rise to interpersonal conflict. Conflict behavior in both typical and dementia populations is frequently identified as explicit physical and verbal acts such as assault, yelling or insulting, and research often situates conflict and collaboration as opposing dimensions. The premise of this article is to examine the unfolding of moments in which individuals diagnosed with FTD and their carers demonstrate opposing orientations towards an activity in real time interaction: A home nurse needing to fulfill an institutional agenda — taking sitting blood pressure — seeks the cooperation from an individual who, in attempting to lie down, interferes with this agenda. These moments constitute sources of interactional conflict that carers attempt to resolve. However, often conflict behavior and cooperative behavior are not neatly teased apart; for instance, individuals often display conflicting orientations towards an overarching or guiding activity while cooperating in more immediate and discrete interactional tasks. These verbal/nonverbal conflicts are not large acts of aggression; rather, they may be viewed as arising within the mundane moments of life that individuals face in everyday contexts and frequently.
Alison Wray, Boyd Davis
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 114-140;

It is proposed that conflict is an almost inevitable outcome, when, as in dementia communication, the delicate relationship between linguistic processing and pragmatics is upset. This relationship has been little researched, even though much is known about the two components in isolation. Making particular use of key observations and claims from the papers in this special issue, a macro-conceptualisation of the dynamics of conflict and aggression in the dementia context is developed. It is proposed that the cognitive and linguistic processing problems experienced by a person with dementia (PWD) can undermine her capacity to manage her spoken output in the way necessary to match the situational pragmatics, resulting in failure to achieve her interactional goals. The mismatch will create internal dissonance that may be expressed as aggression. Importantly, caregivers will also experience dissonance when their communicative agenda is not fulfilled. This may happen when their expectations of the situational pragmatics (e.g., old versus new information) are contradicted by the behaviour of the PWD. Here too, the dissonance may result in aggression or conflict. Modelling the mechanisms of ‘Communicative Impact’ (CI) offers a way to capture the relationship between processing and pragmatics and to examine how speakers attempt to resolve the dissonance. The CI model gives insights into how the risk of conflict in interaction between people with dementia and their caregivers might be minimised.
Jackie Guendouzi, Ashley Meaux, Nicole Müller
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 4, pp 8-34;

Sociolinguistic research in the general population has established the existence of gender differences in the social use of language. In particular, it has been noted that women use more markers of politeness, small talk and structural devices (e.g. minimal responses, tag questions) to help maintain their conversations. Analysis of interactions involving people with dementia (PWD) suggests that these gender based differences were still present in the face of dementia. Furthermore, the use of these forms of language helped the women with dementia to avoid conflict and extend the length of their interactions. This study investigated whether the use of such language helped or hindered women with dementia in maintaining conversational satisfaction.
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 317-348;

Although it is quite easy to conceive of a number of conventionalised impoliteness formulae that, depending on context, do not lead to the hearer’s evaluations of impoliteness, there are many situations when the speaker aims to be genuinely impolite and does not try to mitigate his/her verbal behaviour. This paper reports the findings of an analysis of twenty-nine genuinely impolite verbal behaviours that occurred in theBig BrotherUK 2012 house. The main objective of this study is to examine the triggers for genuine impoliteness and determine which aspects of the hearer’s face and rights s/he claims for him/herself are targeted in such interactions. The results reveal that impoliteness among the housemates is triggered by previous impolite (non-)verbal behaviour, implied negativity or personal dislike of the target. The speaker, in his/her turn, tends to associate the target with a negative aspect or behaviour, question his/her mental, emotional state or knowledge, deny the freedom of expression or participation and, finally, warn or threaten the target.
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 349-350;

Nydia Flores-Ferrán, Sora Suh
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 289-316;

The study explores how code switching (CS) manifests itself in adversarial episodes during meal time. In particular, it examines how CS emerges among members of a Korean American family as they wrangle, dispute, and argue in this intimate discursive setting. Several researchers have examined how arguments and disputes among children are realized (e.g., Boggs 1978; Brenneis and Lein 1977; Corsaro and Rizzo 1990; Eisenberg and Garvey 1981). Nonetheless, little is known about how bilingual children and their parents employ CS as a negotiating tool in conflict-related interactions. Among the findings, the study reveals that CS is manifested in the parents and children in slightly different ways although the family members skillfully maneuver the use of two languages and registers. The study uncovers how CS was employed as a strategy to attempt to achieve goals and how it intersected with stance taking. In general, CS also emerged as a discursive strategy that the interlocutors employed to explicate, challenge, mitigate, hedge, and plead during these episodes.
, Francesco Arcidiacono
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 263-288;

This paper sets out to investigate the issues leading parents to engage in argumentative discussions with their children during mealtimes. Within a data corpus of 30 video-recorded meals of 10 middle to upper-middle-class Swiss and Italian families with a high socio-cultural level, 107 argumentative discussions between parents and children aged from 3 to 9 years old were selected. The approach for the analysis is based on the pragma-dialectical ideal model of a critical discussion. The results show that family argumentative discussions unfold around issues that are generated both by parental prescriptions and by children’s requests. The parental prescriptions largely concern context-bound activities such as having to eat a certain food or the teaching of correct table manners. The issues triggered by children’s requests refer to a wide range of activities, mainly related to the activity of mealtimes but also related to the children’s behavior outside the family context. These results indicate that argumentative interactions between parents and children are not mere conflictual episodes that must be avoided, but they essentially have a broader educational function.
Yuri Hosoda, David Aline
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 231-262;

Numerous studies have examined conflict talk from an ethnomethodological perspective, scrutinizing development of conflict talk sequences (e.g., Coulter 1990; Maynard 1985a). We take up this strand of research to examine an extended episode of conflict talk in a second language (L2) classroom. Throughout this study, we conduct a detailed analysis of a single episode, applying previous research findings and using this analysis as a springboard into uncovering distinct aspects of conflict talk in this institutional context that may also be generalizable to other institutional contexts. The focus here is on an extended dispute occurring in a group discussion extracted from a larger corpus of L2 classroom interaction.
Anna Szilágyi
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 151-172;

In the late 2000s far-right parties made significant gains in numerous countries of the European Union. Sharing the same agenda and discourse of discrimination, many of these parties collaborate today at the European level as well. Yet, it is unclear whether the contemporary European far-right is indeed homogenous in terms of ideology. This project in critical discourse analysis shows that the far-right in the EU is actually characterized by ideological diversity. The paper compares and contrasts how China, an emerging great power with a booming economy, has been portrayed in the early 2010s by far-right parties in the UK and Hungary. By identifying major references, metaphors, frames and argumentation schemes, the article concludes that despite belonging to the same party family, and being actual political allies, the British National Party (BNP) and the Jobbik party in Hungary construct fundamentally different images of the “Chinese Other”. The far-right in the UK, a major Western power, presents China clearly in hostile terms, mainly as a “dangerous, threatening intruder” into the British market. Additionally, in the discourse of the British far-right China is primarily identified as a communist dictatorship and used as a metaphor of oppression in the domestic UK context. Meanwhile, in Hungary, a post-communist country in Eastern Europe and a relatively recent member of the European Union, an opposite picture of China is constructed by the far-right. Here, China serves as a tool to distance Hungary from the West. China is positioned by the Hungarian far-right as a state where communism has lost its significance. By stressing the Asian origin of Hungarians, brotherhood is claimed among Hungarians and Chinese and China is presented as a “role model country” which successfully resisted “Western dominance”.
Matthew Evans, Simone Schuller
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 128-150;

This paper uses critical stylistics to analyse the British press’s use of the term “terrorism” in their reporting of the murder of Fusilier Lee Rigby outside the military barracks in Woolwich, London on 22nd May 2013. It considers academic definitions of “terrorism” and compares these to the use of the term in newspaper reports on the attack. The authors seek to understand how the Woolwich attack is fit into a complex and contested concept such as terrorism. A close reading of a small corpus of national newspaper articles was used to identify common themes in the way the incident is portrayed, with critical stylistic analysis being applied to investigate how the term “terrorism” is used in context. The study highlights how the application of the “terrorism” label is justified within the articles despite the scarcity of information regarding the attack and persons involved at the time of their publication.
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 87-106;

In American politics, the National Rifle Association (NRA) has asserted itself as a leading voice in the gun rights movement. The strident rhetoric emanating from the NRA leadership impacts the development of a broader discourse in American public life over gun rights — a discourse of Second Amendment absolutism — that articulates a set of assumptions and explanations in defense of an absolutist stance against gun regulation in any form. This paper examines the ideologies that underlie this absolutist discourse and the identities those ideologies help to construct. In particular, the absolutist discourse is analyzed through the lens of what historian Richard Hofstadter termed “the paranoid style in American politics.” The aim is to isolate and expose the extremist elements of this discourse, which polarize political debate and hinder the democratic process.
, Paul Baker
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 57-86;

This paper uses corpus-based methods to explore how British Parliamentary arguments against LGBT equality have changed in response to decreasing social acceptability of discriminatory language against minority groups. A comparison of the language of opposition to the equalisation of the age of consent for anal sex (1998–2000) is made to the oppositional language in debates to allow same-sex marriage (2013). Keyword, collocation and concordance analyses were used to identify differences in overall argumentation strategies, assessing the extent to which previously explicit homophobic speech (e.g. homosexuality as unnatural) has been replaced by more indirect strategies (e.g. less use of personalised argumentation via the pronoun I). We argue that while homophobic language appears to be on the decrease in such contexts, there is a mismatch between words and acts, requiring analysts to acknowledge the presence of more subtle indications of homophobic discourse in the future.
Zohar Kampf
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 107-127;

Scholars of politeness admit that being insulted may be the result of the hearer’s assumptions about the other’s behavior and may not necessarily relate to the actual words or intentions of the speaker. Thus, it is surprising to find only a few accounts of how people are doing “being insulted” or of how, in public discourse, responses to insults are strategically employed for various ends. In this paper, I analyze the meta-pragmatics of “hurt feelings” in order to understand how speakers do things with emotions and the role of hurt feelings in political democratic discourse. By examining instances in which public figures have stated their feelings of insult in Israeli public discourse (1997–2012), I show both how hurt feelings are strategically employed to protest against politically unacceptable acts, and how public actors sometimes explicitly refuse to be insulted, shifting the meaning of what is perceived as an insult by side-participants into a compliment. I conclude by discussing the consequences of manifesting hurt feelings in political discourse.
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 13-40;

After 1945 and the end of WWII, denying the Holocaust became an explicit taboo in most European countries. More specifically, in Austria, denying the Holocaust in public implies legal consequences: the so-calledVerbotsgesetzpersecutes any public utterances which even insinuate National Socialist ideology (utterances, symbols, songs, images) and the Holocaust denial. Naturally, it remains difficult for the courts to substantiate any accusations and to prove that somebody has actually uttered Holocaust denial if the meanings are only implied, inferred, or alluded to. Thus, in spite of such explicit sanctions, politicians of the far-right have found many coded and implicit discursive-pragmatic practices and devices of denying the Holocaust, even during parliamentary debates and official speeches. In my paper, I compare the “discourses about Holocaust denial” in Austria and the UK, in two case studies: the first one relates to the controversy about some utterances of Barbara Rosenkranz who stood as candidate of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) for election to Austrian Presidency in April 2010. Secondly, I focus on the debates triggered by Nick Griffin from the British extreme right party BNP, in and after his appearance in the prominent BBC 1 weekly showQuestion Time, in 2009. I apply the Discourse-Historical Approach in CDA for the detailed analysis of such recurring debates and foreground the patterns of a globalisedpolitics of denial.
Andreas Musolff
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 41-56;

Some Internet genres, in particular Weblogs and discussion fora, have a dubious reputation for giving voice to strongly polemical discourses or hate-speech. This paper investigates the use of dehumanizing metaphors, specifically parasite metaphors, in British debates about immigration. It compares the range of metaphors used in Blogs with that used in online fora and in mainstream newspaper coverage and concludes that despite substantial variation, they can be categorised into four main scenarios, of which one includes dehumanizing metaphors such as depictions of immigrants as parasites, leeches, or bloodsuckers. Whilst this kind of stigmatizing imagery occurs across the three different media genres, the samples also show significant quantitative and qualitative differences: dehumanizing metaphors occur most often and their potential for aggressive argumentation and polemics is exploited in more detail in Blogs than in the fora, and least in the mainstream press. It is then asked what cognitive import this differential usage has in view of a) the discourse histories of such metaphors and b) their most likely present-day semantic motivation. The paper concludes that while it is unlikely that present-day users have detailed knowledge of the etymological and conceptual histories of such metaphors, it is also improbable to assume a wholly “unconscious” or “automatic” use or reception in the respective community of practice, and that instead it is more likely that they are used with a high degree of “deliberateness” and a modicum of discourse-historical awareness.
Monika Kopytowska
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 1-11;

Document Type: Research Article DOI: 10.1075/jlac.3.1.001ed Format: PDF ISSN 2213-1272 E-ISSN 2213-1280
Michiel Leezenberg
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 200-228;

This article discusses the discursive strategies of the Freedom Party (PVV), a contemporary Dutch populist and Islamophobic party. After tracing its ideological roots to mainstream liberalism rather than earlier forms of extreme right political movements, I will discuss its discourse about Muslims. It will appear that this discourse goes far beyond the legitimate expression of opinion. Using some of Judith Butler’s ideas about the performativity of hate speech, I will attempt to describe how PVV leader Geert Wilders’s language is not only a discourseaboutviolence, but is also itself a discourseofviolence. Simultaneously, however, Wilders systematically denied responsibility for any violence his words might contain, imply, or provoke; instead, he and his sympathizers blamed both Muslims and his political opponents for whatever violence might occur in the wake of his utterances. This appears most clearly in the discussion following Norwegian Anders Breivik’s murderous 2011 assault on the Utøya island, an act which he himself claimed was in part inspired by Wilders’s political rhetoric.
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 229-229;

Document Type: Research Article DOI: 10.1075/jlac.3.1.10con Format: PDF ISSN 2213-1272 E-ISSN 2213-1280
Panagiotis Sotiris
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 3, pp 173-199;

The electoral rise of Golden Dawn from obscurity to parliamentary representation has drawn attention to its particular neo-fascist discourse. In sharp contrast to the tendency of most far-right movements in Europe to present themselves as being part of the political mainstream, Golden Dawn has never disavowed its openly neo-Nazi references. Its political and ideological discourse combines extreme racism, nationalism and authoritarianism along with traditional conservative positions in favour of traditional family roles and values and the Greek Orthodox Church. The aim of this paper is twofold: on the one hand to situate the ideology and discourse of Golden Dawn in a conjuncture of economic and social crisis, a crisis of the project of European Integration, and examine it as part of a broader authoritarian post-democratic and post-hegemonic transformation of the State in contemporary capitalism; on the other hand to criticize the position suggested recently that Golden Dawn was also the result of the supposedly “national-populist” discourse of the anti-austerity movement. On the contrary, we will insist on the opposition between the discourses and practices of Golden Dawn and the anti-austerity movement in Greece.
Kristin L. Anderson, Jill Cermele
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 2, pp 274-293;

Verbal aggression against women often serves to naturalize a binary construction of gender. The form and content of verbal aggression against women may be shifting in the 21st century context, in which overtly sexist language in public settings is viewed as unacceptable. However, we argue that in fact, sexist language continues, albeit at times in less overt ways and particularly so when the discourse is public, or likely to be made public. This study examines the specific content of language aggression against women with two sources of data: 1) the population of tweets containing the handle @femfreq posted during 17 days in the fall of 2013, and 2) the population of 130 civil protection order petitions filed in the first 8 months of 2010 in a small city in the Pacific Northwest. We consider how the content of gendered language aggression in Tweets — a form of verbal discourse that is authored by people who do not personally know the object of their aggression — is similar to and different from the language aggression perpetrated by the intimate partners of women seeking legal protection from abuse from the courts — a form of verbal discourse enacted in intimate contexts.
José Santaemilia, Sergio Maruenda
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 2, pp 249-273;

‘Woman’ is a key social actor, and a central conceptualization, in the construction of media discourses of gender-based violence. Scholarly research at the turn of the 21st century (Bengoechea 2000; Lledó 2002; Fernández Díaz 2003; Jorge 2004) showed that in the Spanish press, media discourses had a tendency to naturalize male aggression not as violence but as part of the (private) sexual arrangement between the sexes. In this paper we explore the treatment of the phrasemujer maltratada(EN ‘battered woman’) in intimate partner violence newspaper articles from 2005 to 2010. Our aims are: (i) to account for the discursive representation of violence against women (VAW) in Spanish contemporary media discourse in recent years; and (ii) to unveil the expectations about gender, sexuality and power implicit in public discourses about VAW, given their apparent objectivity. In doing so, we draw on the evaluation framework for the analysis of news reports proposed by White (2004, 2006) and on Corpus Linguistics tools.
, Pilar Garcés-Conejos Blitvich
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 2, pp 226-248;

This paper examines language aggression against women in public online deliberation regarding crimes of violence against women. To do so, we draw upon a corpus of 460 unsolicited digital comments sent in response to four public service advertisements against women abuse posted on YouTube. Our analysis reveals that three patriarchal strategies of abuse — namely, minimize the abuse, deny its existence, and blame women — are enacted in the online discourse under scrutiny and shows how, at the micro-level of interaction, these strategies relate to social identity and gender ideology through complex processes of positive in-group description and negative out-group presentation. We also argue that despite the few comments thatexplicitlysupport abuse, this situation changes atimplicit,indirectlevels of discourse.
Shonna L. Trinch
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 2, pp 204-225;

This article examines how reviewers take silence-sustaining or silence-breaking stances toward rape in online reviews of anti-terrorism expert, Jessica Stern’s (2010) book,Denial: A Memoir of Terror.I analyze how reviewers recontextualize the story of this uncontroversial rape and its narrator. The data consist of 47 reviews, ranging from professional reviewers at major newspapers to ‘citizen reviewers’ found on commercial bookstores’ websites and on readers’ blogs. Using stance as my analytic framework (Jaffe 2009), I show how readers align their reviews in ways that either authorize or de-authorize the narrator and her narrative.
Frederick Attenborough
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 2, pp 183-203;

This article contributes to a body of research in which media reports of violence against women are analysed for the ways they gloss precisely what it is that constitutes ‘violence against women’ in the event under report. To catch this glossing in flight, as it were, mediated reports of violence are conceptualised as recontextualisations; that is, reports that may differ in rhetorically consequential ways from those provided by victims of, or witnesses to, that violence. A mediated stylistic analysis of press reportage of the charges of rape made against Julian Assange, the founder of WikiLeaks, in 2010, subsequently shows that and how Assange’s allegedly violent actions were recontextualised such that their status as violent was readably downgraded, mitigated or even deleted. The article ends by calling for more attention to be paid to the various techniques of recontextualisation via which reports of violence against women are presented in the media.
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 2, pp 151-175;

This study explores ideological embedding in US presidential rhetoric on aggression and conflict. Specifically, it examines President Obama’s first official statement on each of the 2011 popular uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya, Bahrain and Syria. The first statements are sampled because they are often carefully timed and phrased to project position and perspective. The objective of the study is to examine how Obama’s speeches on the Arab Spring articulate US ideological assumptions about the pro-reform protests (and protestors), the aggressive responses of the embattled regimes and the conflict which developed as a result. The methodology of analysis is constituted by the analytical framework of Critical Stylistics. Findings from the analysis reveal the ways in which value systems and sets of beliefs may be structured in the language of aggression and conflict, and, more specifically, the ways in which Obama’s ideological attitudes and assumptions are embedded in the structure of his statements. Obama’s construction of the different unrests, for example, is evident in the naming conventions, his evaluation of the revolutionaries and their oppressors is reflected in the transitivity patterns, and the US regional priorities are signposted by the structural subordination options.
Jörg Meibauer
Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict, Volume 2, pp 127-150;

Several philosophy of language scholars have recently argued that the intention to deceive is not part of a well-defined concept of lying. So-called bald-faced lies, i.e., asserting what is false while speaker and hearer both understand that the speaker does not believe what s/he asserts are provided as evidence. In contrast to these proposals, it is pointed out in this article that lying is necessarily connected to an intention to deceive. Consequently, it is argued that so-called bald-faced lies are not proper lies but acts of verbal aggression. Since bald-faced lies attack the face of the addressee and the viability of the Cooperative Principle (Grice 1989a), they are analyzed as insults. Thus, the traditional idea that lying is connected to the intention to deceive is upheld.
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