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(searched for: doi:10.2307/3024261)
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International Journal of Occupational Safety and Ergonomics pp 1-11; https://doi.org/10.1080/10803548.2020.1732115

Abstract:
This article investigates the trends in injury rates and causes of fatalities in the Japanese mining industry. Accident data were collected from the Japan Statistics Yearbooks released by the Bureau of the Prime Minister. These data were analyzed to estimate the injury rates and accident causes in the Japanese mining industry. In Japan, the median injury, severe injury and fatality rates were 129.25, 5.44 and 2.99/1000 workers, respectively. A collapsing roof in an underground mine was the principal cause of fatal accidents, accounting for a median value of 21/1000 worker deaths during the entire period under study. In comparison with the accident experience of the USA and the Democratic Republic of Congo, countries with substantial mining industries, the median values of the fatality rates were 0.58 and 0.28/1000 workers, respectively. We conclude that Japanese mineworkers were most exposed to the risk of accidents during the prewar era.
Tai Wei Lim
Energy Transitions in Japan and China pp 165-201; https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-1681-3_8

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Felicity Gee
Published: 15 April 2013
A Companion to Luis Buñuel pp 572-589; https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118324882.ch29

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Ikuo Kume
International Organization, Volume 42, pp 659-687; https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300034019

Abstract:
Many scholars argue that labor is excluded from Japan's political system. However, since the 1970s, labor has become considerably influential in the policymaking process in Japan. The oil crisis of 1973 and theShuntouwage bargaining of 1975 have made labor, especially private-sector unions, modest in their wage demands, but at the same time these events have made labor participate actively in the policymaking process in order to maintain employment and seek some benefits from the government. This article demonstrates that Japan's increasing export-dependence and tradeoffs between wage increases on the one hand, and inflation and unemployment on the other in the 1970s, have driven labor to this new, more active role in policymaking, while the necessity for the governing Liberal Democratic party to seek a new constituency has enabled labor to achieve some success in this new role. This implies that Japan's political system has changed its nature since the 1970s; its political process has become more pluralistic with labor's participation within the existing political system.
Herbert Passin
American Political Science Review, Volume 56, pp 391-403; https://doi.org/10.2307/1952374

Abstract:
The massive demonstrations of May and June 1960, which forced the resignation of the Kishi Cabinet and the cancellation of President Eisenhower's trip to Japan, alarmed Americans as much as they elated the Chinese Communists. The complacent American view of Japan as a sturdy conservative force loyally allied to the United States through a wise and benevolent Occupation and generous economic aid was rudely shattered. Coming at a time when student unrest precipitated the overthrow of governments in South Korea and Turkey—also allies—it was natural that many Americans saw communist plots and a Japan in the grip of a “revolutionary situation.” But if they were wrong—and it has taken a great deal of soul-searching for informed opinion to understand fully what happened—they were no less wrong than the Chinese Communists, who read the situation in much the same way. After a two-week trip to Japan in August 1960, Liu Ning-i, Chairman of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions, reported jubilantly that the revolutionary situation in Japan was well advanced. “The Japanese people's future is full of brightness and hope,” he wrote.
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