(searched for: doi:10.1525/as.1961.30.2.01p1432u)
Indonesia and the Malay World, Volume 44, pp 145-164; https://doi.org/10.1080/13639811.2015.1135610
The most active anti-heretical organisation in Indonesia, the Lembaga Penelitian dan Pengkajian Islam (LPPI – Institute for Islamic Study and Research), has benefitted from the process of democratisation after the downfall of the Suharto regime in 1998. It has taken exclusionary stances towards what it considers to be heretical religious groups, particularly the Ahmadiyya. Established in the 1980s, the LPPI was marginalised and suppressed by the Suharto regime, and its leader, Amin Djamaluddin, was arrested several times for placing himself at loggerheads with the regime. LPPI, however, survived this repression and even found its momentum after 1998. Since then, it has been able to propagate its mission to root out and eradicate heretical beliefs and even gain support from the Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI – Council of Indonesian Ulama) and the government. This article studies the political and religious roles of the LPPI in promoting a strict and standardised Islam before and after 1998 by answering the following questions: What theological and political positions were adopted by this organisation in relation to the Ahmadiyya? How have the Persatuan Islam (Persis – Muslim Union) and the Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia (DDII – Indonesian Council for Islamic Propagation) influenced the LPPI in opposing nonconformist religious groups? Why did they disseminate anti-Ahmadiyya discourse, provoke people to oppose the Ahmadiyya, and lobby the government to ban this religious community? Did strategies to dismantle ‘deviant religious groups’ differ between the Suharto era and the post-Suharto era?
Indonesia and the Malay World, Volume 42, pp 1-23; https://doi.org/10.1080/13639811.2014.870771
Using a dramaturgical perspective and Agama Djawa Sunda (ADS) or Madraisism as a case study, this article attempts to uncover the strategy used by the followers of ‘unofficial religion’ in Indonesia to successfully manage their unrecognised legal status. As a pragmatic response when being repressed, either by religious orthodoxy or the state, ADS utilises a ‘back and forth’ conversion tactic. The ‘front stage’ is the pretense of converting to one of the formal authorised religions, whilst at the ‘back stage’ they remain true to their beliefs. An analysis of ADS and the defence mechanisms employed to escape persecution contributes further to the discussion on ADS in Indonesia, a topic that has received scant attention from scholars.
The Journal of Asian Studies, Volume 60, pp 701-729; https://doi.org/10.2307/2700107
Like other parts of the muslim world, Indonesia has experienced an Islamic revival since the 1970s (cf. Hefner 1997; Jones 1980; Liddle 1996, 622–25; Muzaffar 1986; Schwarz 1994, 173–76; Tessler and Jesse 1996). To date, representations of Indonesia's Islamic revival have featured forms of religious practice and political activity concerned with what in the Sufi tradition is called the “outer” (lahir) expression of Islam: support for and observance of religious law (I.syariah, A.syari'at), including the practice of obligatory rituals. Thus commonly mentioned as evidence of a revival in Indonesia are such things as the growing numbers of mosques and prayer houses, the increasing popularity of head coverings (kerudung, jilbab) among Muslim women and school girls, the increasing usage of Islamic greetings, the more common sight of Muslims excusing themselves for daily prayers and attending services at their workplaces, the appearance of new forms of Islamic student activity on university campuses, strong popular agitation against government actions seen as prejudicial to the Muslim community, and the establishment in 1991 of an Islamic bank.